From the late years of Meiji to the Taisho period, Goto was brilliantly active in such fields as colonial policy, transportation policy, foreign policy and National Enlightenment. As a politician as well, he had an unusually unique and splendid political career, joining Katsura's New Party, serving first as the Home Minister under Terauchi's "National Unity" Cabinet and again under the second Yamamoto "National Unity" Cabinet, and joining the movement of the Preliminary Committee on universal Suffrage. Previous studies on Goto have been so mesmerized by this brilliance that they have consequently neglected the fundamental problem of his basic political attitude or his position in the political arena during this period. This article represents an exhaustive reconsideration of his political activity. The conclusions reached herein may be summarized as follows : first, concerning Goto's fundamental political attitude, we find that his basic goal was that, rather than the military and political foreign expansion which Japan had been continuously carrying out since the Meiji Restoration, Japan needed to realize external economic expansion and thus truly. become an accepted member of the inner circle of most powerful nations, and a State relatively independent of the Western powers. Secondly, he had a strong interest in the National People's Organization that would be able to realize this goal. It was most characteristic of him at this time that he tried to mobilize scholars and journalists, regardless of their political persuasion or ideology, and to organize, according to their age or ability, those people (for example, members of youth organizations, physicians, educators, etc.) those who were even more committed to the localities than were the class of so-called "Chiho Meiboka". He also cooperated with men such as Okuma Shigenobu and Tanaka Giichi. But it was not possible to fully organize the nation in the Japan of his day. If we look next at his activities within the political arena, we notice that, first, in order to accomplish his goal, he responded to the power of the political parties and the bureaucracy with great flexibility. In particular, he was on constantly good terms with party politicians of the Seiyukai and the Kenseikai. Further, due to his emphasis on "reform", he had many supporters in both the bureaucracy and in the political parties that served him well as a political asset. However, the expectations of his supporters were varied and he ultimately failed to meet them all. Thirdly, and most importantly, he placed the greatest political importance on cooperation with Inukai Tsuyoshi and Ito Miyoji (the "Triangular Alliance"). Moreover, he fundamentally tried to adiministrate political affairs in tune with them and men of the same generation (including the Head of the Seiyukai, Hara Kei, and the Head of the Kenseikai, Kato Takaaki). However, the Second Constitutional Preservation Movement rendered support of his third position difficult. Finally, in the end, this significancy reduced Goto's political power and fixed his place in history as only a minor politician on the periphery of the Seiyukai.

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Among the Ishiyama Shihai Monjo 石山紙背文書 (discarded legal documents and personal correspondence, on the backs of which were recorded diary entries and budgetary notes) located in the Shosoin 正倉院, a considerable number of items concerning eiden 営田 (paddy land management and control) in the 8th century can be found. In the past, the land holdings dealt with in these documents have been examined and interpreted as if they were part of Shoen 庄園 (landed proprietorships) held by the Todaiji 東大寺 temple. However, judging from the particular form in which these have been recorded and preserved, as well as the content of the documents themselves, it is possible to reach the conclusion that the lands involved were not under the control of Todaiji. Rather, they were in the private hands of a low ranking official, by the name of Ato-no-Otari (安都雄足). Although the eiden activities which are recorded in these documents occurred in the Tenpyou Houji (天平宝寺) Period, they provide a unique challenge, in that they require the historian to view them at two different levels : first, as delineating the relationship between Otari and the persons who managed his lands, and second, as describing the relationship between these managers and the cultivators of the lands. In examining the role of Otari himself, it is important to realize that the positions he held within the Ritsuryo 律令 system (1.Echizen-no-kuni shisho 越前国史生, a low ranking official in the Echizen Province, and 2.Zo-todaijishi sakan 造東大寺司主典, an official of fourth level rank in the bureau placed in charge of the construction and maintenace of the temple) were of considerable importance in the formation of the relationships that existed between the persons involved in the management of Otari's lands. Otari's official positions were intimately connected to the procurement and distribution of goods and services during this particular time in history, and he linked effectively his official functions with his private eiden activities. For example, concerning the relationship between Otari and his managers, the records show that Otari rationalized the means by which he paid and received income from these individuals, reducing the available means to coined money and shomai 春米 (hulled rice). Moreover, Otari had become acquainted with his managers through his position in the official bureaucracy. It is therefore evident that Otari's eiden activities, at the superstructural level, took place largely within the context of the Ritsuryo system institutional framework. On the other hand, when one examines the specific management forms found at the manager-cultivator level, one finds that the manager promoted local persons of prominence, and also developed procedures of direct management, land leasing (chinso 賃租), and seed rice lending (suiko 出挙), a variety of management methods not found in Todaiji-held shoen at this time. Otari also allowed his managers to avail themselves of these institutions in the earning of their own incomes, a practice which can be seen as a predecessor of the riso-fumyo 里倉負名 system (a percentage / unit of the yearly land tax yield taken in by the manager of an estate). These practices, too, differed from those found in the Todaiji-held shoen, which still preferred to depend solely on kokushi (provincial governers 国司) and gunji (local magistrates 郡司), as provided for in the Ritsuryo system tax collecting structure (a system of indirect control exercised through local leaders 在地首長制). Therefore, at the substructural level, one sees cases where economic relationships are not determined by the Ritsuryo system's mechanisms for the distribution of goods and services. These practices, however, extended only as far as being within the grasp of local persons of prominence. One must emphasize that they did not fall under the direct control of local society. In these documents, we see a clear manifestation of a situation peculiar to the 8th

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This paper aims at examining the ideas of the Independents during the Puritan Revolution (1640-60) from the point of view of millenarianism. Up until the 1970's most studies observed the Independents from the point of view of political thought or church government, and tend to point out their compromising attitudes. This paper, however, depends on recent studies which regard them as the main supporters of millenarianism, and stresses their active and revolutionary characters. This paper first shows the Independent millenarianism contained in the thought of Thomas Goodwin (1600-80). He was a leader of the religious Independents. His millenarianism is charactarized by Biblicism, Anti-Catholicism and Fifth Monarchism. Secondly, his millenarianism is connected with his idea of church. He insisted on gathering Saints in independent churches, because he thought that they became the base of the Kingdom of Christ. Thirdly, his millenarianism was shared with his fellow Independent divines in the 1640's, permeated the members of parliament and the army, and contributed to the downfall of the monarchy. Further, many independent churches were set up by the Independent divine's including Goodwin. They criticized the parish churches, which were opposed to independent churches, with millenarian ideas and as a result struck a blow to the State-Church-System, which was the main pillar of Absolutism. So Independent millenarianism seems to have functioned as a form of revolutionary thought. Finally, as the Independents triumphed in the 1650's, Goodwin kept silent about millenarianism, and millenarianism was taken up by the Fifth Monarchists, who reproached the Independents. However, Independent millenarianism contributed to the downfall of the monarchy and Absolutism, especially in the 1640's. Therefore, it can be said to have functioned as a form of revolutionary thought and, in that sense, to have deserved a place in the development of modern political thought.

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