SHIGAKU ZASSHI
Online ISSN : 2424-2616
Print ISSN : 0018-2478
ISSN-L : 0018-2478
Volume 97 , Issue 2
Showing 1-17 articles out of 17 articles from the selected issue
  • Type: Cover
    1988 Volume 97 Issue 2 Pages Cover1-
    Published: February 20, 1988
    Released: November 29, 2017
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  • Type: Cover
    1988 Volume 97 Issue 2 Pages Cover2-
    Published: February 20, 1988
    Released: November 29, 2017
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  • Hiroki Oka
    Type: Article
    1988 Volume 97 Issue 2 Pages 145-176,279-28
    Published: February 20, 1988
    Released: November 29, 2017
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    Under Ch'ing 清 rule, most of the Mongolian tribes were organized under the Cirulran-qosiru system or league-banner system. But the three necessary conditions of establishment of qosiru, that is, the organization of sumun and qamjilr-a, the supply of pasture for qosiru and the appointment of jasar, meant radical change for the existing Mongol order and especially meant bureaucratization of Mpngolian noyans. Concerning pasture land, this system meant delimitation of qosiru's pasture. So it is very difficult to imagine the introduction of this system into Mongolia taking place within a short time. This paper discusses when the pasture's delimited border was established among the Qalq-a Mongols. In the case of the Qalq-a Mongols, it is said that this system was introduced at the conference of Dolun narur in 1691 or the 30th Year of Emperor K'ang-hsi 康煕. But the objective conditions of the Qalq-a in 1691 could not have permited such radical reforms. This is because they had been fleeing to Southern Mongolia from the invasion of Γaldan Bosurtu qaran since 1688. Γaldan died in 1697 and the Qalq-a Mongol returned to Outer Mongolia, but the Ch'ing dynasty took a prudent attitude in compelling a delimited qosiru border on the Qalq-a, because of their cooperation in the struggle against Cewengrabdan's Jegun rar force. Moreover the Ch'ing dynasty could not border their pasture, which often moved because of an unstable military balance between Jegun rar and the Ch'ing force. Although the defeat of Jegun rar by the Ch'ing conquest during 1755-1757 cleared all obstacles to compulsory establishment of this system all over Qalq-a, the Ch'ing government continuously took care because of Qalq-a resistances, for example the rebelion of Cinggunjab or the movement for secession from Ch'ing rule to Russia. For this duration, pasture was regulated by the Qalq-a Mongol nobles, not by imperial authority. Such conditions often gave rise to trouble between the Ch'ing government and Qalq-a nobles. A typical example was the request for extension of pasture land from Qalq-a nobles as well as from Cenggunjab, the lieutenant general of Uliyasutai. Such conditions were finally settled by the delimitation of ayimar's border by Batu, who was delegated by the emperor for this mission in 1781 or the 46th year of emperor Ch'ien-lung 乾隆. Soon after Batu's delimitation, banner's border was also delimited. I can therefore presume that the delimited banner's border was established soon after 1781 or the 46th year of emperor Ch'ien-lung. Furthermore, I can say that the Cirulran-qosiru system was substantially established after this time, and not at the conference of Dolun narur in 1691.
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  • Isamu Shimada
    Type: Article
    1988 Volume 97 Issue 2 Pages 177-197,278-27
    Published: February 20, 1988
    Released: November 29, 2017
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    Das Ziel dieses Aufsates ist es, die sudwestdeutsche Leibeigenschaft unter Berucksichtigung der Territorialpolitik der sudwestdeutschen Kloster zu erklaren. Im deutschen Sudwesten spaltete sich im Spatmittelalter die Grundherrschaft in drei Herrschaften : die Leibherrschaft, die Grundherrschaft im engeren Sinne und die Gerichtsherrschaft. Die Kloster versuchten in ihrer Territorialpolitik, diese drei Herrschaften miteinander zu verbinden und so kleines Territorium zu bilden. Zur Analyse dieser Territorialpolitik sind die drei Begriffe, Personal-, Real- und Territorialleibeigenschaft, heranzziehen. Bei der Personalleibeigenschaft handelt es sich um eine reine Leibherrschaft. Die Realleibeigenschaft ist dagegen eine Leibeigenschaft, die sich mit der Grundherrschaft im engeren Sinne verbindet. Und die Territorialleibeigenschaft ist eine Leibeigenschaft, die sich mit der Gerichtsherrschaft verbindet. Diese drei Arten der Leibeigenschaft habe ich im Hinblick auf drei Kennzeichen der Leibeigenschaft : den Todfall, die Einschrankung der EheschlieBung und die Einschrankung der Freizugigkeit untersucht. D.h. ich habe mich mit dem Zusammenhang zwischen der Personalleibeigenschaft und dem Todfall, dem zwischen Realleibeigenschaft und der Einschrankung der EheschlieBung und dem zwischen der Territorialleibeigenschaft und der Einschrankung der Freizugigkeit beschaftigt. In den spatmittelalterlichen Quellen des deutschen Sudwestens tritt oft der Begriff "Gotteshausleute" auf ; er meint eine Benennung der Bauern, die zu einem Kloster gehoren. Die "Gotteshausleute" sind bisher als Horige betrachtet worden. Ich habe dagegen erklart, daB im Schwarzwaldgebiet die "Gotteshausleute" nur Leibeigene der Kloster waren. Ich kam zu folgender SchluBfolgerung. Die Personalleibeigenschaft wurde durch die Zweideutigkeit des Todfalls vergroBert. Die Realleibeigenschaft wurde durch die Einschrankung der EheschlieBung erhalten und vergroBert. Und die Territorialleibeigenschaft wurde schlieBlich durch die Einschrankung der Freizugigkeit und durch die AusschlieBung des fremden Verfolgungsrechtes vollendet.
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  • Hwa Jin Park
    Type: Article
    1988 Volume 97 Issue 2 Pages 197-227,277-27
    Published: February 20, 1988
    Released: November 29, 2017
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    During the Tokugawa period, a local governor (Daikan) had to administer from between ten to one hundred villages. In order for him to be able to look after all these villages, he had to relegate some aspects of local governing to selfgoverning village autonomy. The author intends to investigate the Jikatasho which was compiled as a handbook for this kind of local government. It is her intention to bring village autonomy into relief by clarifying the aspects of the Daikan's absolute ruling power and area of his responsibility in the local government. Jikatahanreiroku is the best known among all Tokugawa's Jikatasho. Today it is being used widely as a guide book for village research. It was written in 1794 by Oishi Kukei, who was the Koribugyo of Takasaki han, and it had a very important influence on many versions of Jikatasho written till the end of Edo, era. However, very little research concerning the Jikatasho, as well as the research on Jikatahanreiroku has been done. There is only one book available concerning Jikatakikigaki a Kanbun version, by Mitsuo Tokoro on the general research of the Jikatasho. Moreover, Shinzaburo Oishi wrote the explanatory notes of Jikatahanreiroku which was published by the Kondo Publishing Company in 1969. He used the Tojobon of 1871 (Meiji 4) as his basic resource material. This is why the contents of this version are known to us so well. The author, however, realizing that there are many differences in the version of 1871 from the original text, tried to find out the original type through an analysis of various versions and texts such as Kaiseihotei Jikatahanreiroku (the version of Meij 4), Kaisei Jikatahanreiroku (the version of Meiji 2), Kousei Jikatahanreiroku (the version of Keio 2), and many manuscripts. Through this research, she concludes the manuscripts as the closest to the original of 1794. The manuscripts consisted of a preface, table of contents, the body, postscript "a", postscript "b", and the Date. This material is contained in the library of the University of Tokyo. At the same time, she concludes that even though the version of 1969 (=the version of Meiji 4) has some differences from the original text, because of additions, deletions and revisions, which were obviously derived from new trends of thought during the Meiji Era, this version is most useful as the resource text since it shows the Tokugawa methods for reading chinese characters due to Kana glosses along side the characters. Therefore by adding historical materials 2 to 8 and [○!a] of 12〜14, the version of 1969 would become almost the same as the original text of 1794.
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  • Tatsuya Kuroda
    Type: Article
    1988 Volume 97 Issue 2 Pages 228-235
    Published: February 20, 1988
    Released: November 29, 2017
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  • Michio Shibata
    Type: Article
    1988 Volume 97 Issue 2 Pages 235-249
    Published: February 20, 1988
    Released: November 29, 2017
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  • [in Japanese]
    Type: Article
    1988 Volume 97 Issue 2 Pages 250-251
    Published: February 20, 1988
    Released: November 29, 2017
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  • [in Japanese]
    Type: Article
    1988 Volume 97 Issue 2 Pages 251-252
    Published: February 20, 1988
    Released: November 29, 2017
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  • [in Japanese]
    Type: Article
    1988 Volume 97 Issue 2 Pages 252-253
    Published: February 20, 1988
    Released: November 29, 2017
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  • [in Japanese]
    Type: Article
    1988 Volume 97 Issue 2 Pages 253-254
    Published: February 20, 1988
    Released: November 29, 2017
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    Download PDF (281K)
  • [in Japanese]
    Type: Article
    1988 Volume 97 Issue 2 Pages 254-255
    Published: February 20, 1988
    Released: November 29, 2017
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  • Type: Article
    1988 Volume 97 Issue 2 Pages 256-276
    Published: February 20, 1988
    Released: November 29, 2017
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  • Type: Article
    1988 Volume 97 Issue 2 Pages 277-280
    Published: February 20, 1988
    Released: November 29, 2017
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  • Type: Appendix
    1988 Volume 97 Issue 2 Pages App1-
    Published: February 20, 1988
    Released: November 29, 2017
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  • Type: Cover
    1988 Volume 97 Issue 2 Pages Cover3-
    Published: February 20, 1988
    Released: November 29, 2017
    JOURNALS FREE ACCESS
    Download PDF (35K)
  • Type: Cover
    1988 Volume 97 Issue 2 Pages Cover4-
    Published: February 20, 1988
    Released: November 29, 2017
    JOURNALS FREE ACCESS
    Download PDF (35K)
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