In the present paper the author takes up the case of the Kuraryo 内蔵寮 (Office of Household Affairs of the Monarch) in order to show the nature and structure of central government offices under the Kyoto monarchical (王朝) regime from the mid-Heian through the Kamakura period. In the first section, the author discusses the Kuraryo's chief executive, the Kura-no-kami 内蔵頭. The major duty of the chief executive in the late Heian period was to supply and defray the cost of clothing for the monarch. An area, called the Gofuku-to-koro 御服所, was set up within the kami's household to sew the clothing …… a situation which clearly reveals that the wherewithal to make the items came from the personal wealth of the kami himself. Indeed, this method of supplying the monarchical robes, which began during the latter half of the 11th century, corresponds to chief executives who were also zuryo 受領 appointees, those mid-level officials who, through their power to collect taxes as provincial governors, accumulated huge personal fortunes. During the Kamakura period, while the basic duties of the Kurano-kami did not change, the method for financing the manufacture of the monarch's clothing did. For no longer did the power of the zuryo prevail in the provinces, where a new powerful class of local land proprietors (zaichi-ryoshu 在地領主) had risen up to challenge the governors. Instead, the wherewithal for running the office, including meeting the monarch's clothing needs, was provided in taxes from specially designated districts (called benpo-no-ho 便補保) in provinces earmarked for such levies (called ryogoku 料国). In the second section, the author discusses the nen'yo 年預, functionaries who during this time took the responsibility for running the actual affairs of the various central government offices. The duties of the nen'yo were as follows: 1)The imposition and collection of the office's income (called ryo-motsu 料物). 2)The composing and sending of official documents. 3)Supervision of subordinates. 4)Management of the offices domains and preserving relevant documents. The right to appoint nen'yo rested with the office's chief executive, and during the latter half of the Heian period, the position was given to the office's third or forth in command. Indeed, during that time nen'yo appeared within the bureaucracy under the Ministry of State (Daijokan 太政官) due to the fact that higher class officials, who were becoming part of the aristocracy (Kugyo 公卿), began to gradually withdraw from the management of their offices, thus leaving lower bureaucrats to carry out day to day affairs. Entering the Kamakura period, we find persons appointed to the position of nen'yo, who were in no way attached to the office in question. As a result of the reorganization of aristocratic society carried out under the Insei 院政 (the retired monarch came into power) regime, lower level bureaucrats were pooled among the various offices, and in addition their appointments became fixed and the concept of nen'yo-shiki 年預職 came into existence indicating an inherited right to the position. In the third section, the author discusses the Kuraryo as a central government office which did not farm out or sub-contract its bureaucratic duties, but was run based on the relationship between the chief executive and his nen'yo. Indeed, the Kuraryo is a significant case study in the controversy over which practice, that of "inherited positions" or that of "rotating positions", would result in the smoothest management of the office. Moreover, the policy adopted by the Kuraryo is one common element running through the institutional reforms of the Kocho 弘長 (1261-64) and Koan 弘安 (1278-88) eras. In conclusion, the author gives his perspectives on how to interpret the whole government set up during this time, which was known as kan-gata 官方 and kurodo-gata 蔵人方.
This article attempts to investigate the role of the prophet in the Batak millenarian movement against the European colonial order. During the latter part of the 19th century, the Toba Batak area in north Sumatra was exposed to European influence, and both Christianization by German missionaries and colonization by the Dutch began to undermine the Toba Batak, social order. The traditional symbol of power, Si Singa Mangaraja, was defeated by the Dutch colonial army. Millenarian expectations began after the Batak people were forced to recognize the superiority of European power, yet were in many cases not satisfied with the new colonial order. The dilemma was solved when Guru Somalaing, a datu (magician), had a revelation from Jehovah to preach traditional Batak codes in order to become malim (pure). He established the Parmalim (One Who Endeavours To Be Pure) movement in 1890, claiming to be able to gain access to the source of European power while retaining the essence of Toba Batak values. Just after his revelation, Somalaing encountered an Italian traveler. The people who were impressed by European colonial power were longing for a different type of European who would share that power with them. The Italian during his stay in Toba was often regarded as a delegate of Raja Rum, who the Batak believed was a holy king in the outside world. Somalaing, convinced that he shared the power of Jehovah, now developed his expectations into a belief that Raja Rum would assist him in dealing with the Dutch. Somalaing's idea was accepted among the people of the north-eastern part of Toba, who were newly under European influence, but still maintained their traditional value system. The Parmalim movement was an endeavour to maintain their traditional social order under the new source of power. In their Parmalim ceremonies they prayed to Jehovah, Maria, Jesus and Raja Rum in the same manner as had been done in traditional religious ceremonies, when people had wanted to ask Si Singa Mangaraja or Batak deities for help. As the Dutch intensified colonial influence over the area, Parmalim followers began to believe that German missionaries working in the ara were really Batak divine kings and that someday these kings and Raja Rum would drive the Dutch away. The evidence of the Batak millenarian movement suggests that the main task of the millenarian leader is to show what the real source of power was and how to gain access to it. Previous explanations which have emphasized prophets' magical abilites, such as communication with supernatural powers, healing or divination, are only partial explanations.
It has already been pointed out that the Shugo (守護) in the Muromachi period endeavored to hold temples and shrines under their control while establishing their rule throughout their domains. In this paper the author attempts to explain why this control over religious institutions could have be an important element in the process of establishing their rule through a case study of the "Wakasa 33 Kannon Reijo" 若狭三十三所観音霊場 temples. "Wakasa 33 Kannon Reijo" included those temples which performed Buddhist and Shinto ceremonies throughout all of Wakasa province and were later protected by the Takeda 武田 clan, the Shugo of Wakasa province during the Sengoku period. When we look at these temples in a region context, two points become clear. 1.Each of these temples all had close affiliations to "Wakasa-Ichinomiya" 若狭一宮, the Supreme Shrine of the province or "Shoen-Koryo-Soja" 荘園公領総社, the Supreme Shrine of each Proprietorship in the province. 2.The majority of the "Shoen-Koryo-Soja" in the province were included in "Wakasa 33 Kannon Reijo". This means that in Wakasa, since the latter medieval period, there was a temple and shrine network which was connected partly by the popular Kannon belief spread by the asetics and pilgrims. However, the network was also based on ties between "Ichinomiya" and "Shoen-Koryo-Soja", which had been continued since the preceding period. Next the author shows that this network was more than a mere religious system. In Wakasa as well as other provinces, "Ichinomiya" of the later medieval period were commercial centers of the province. And each "Shoen-Koryo-Soja" also had close connections with the market in each proprietorship. These facts mean that, in Wakasa of the later medieval period, there was a temple and shrine system which was connected with traditional popular belief (belief of community, Kannon belief) as well as commerce. That is why controling this system was a major element for the Shugo to establish power in their territory.