Voltaire has been generally regarded as an absolute defender of freedom of expression. But Peter Gay in his work "Voltaire's Politics"opposes this legendary image of Voltaire. I agree fundamentally with Gay's point of view bacause in "Traite sur la tolerance" Voltaire repeatedly insisted "Pas de tolerance pour les ennemies de tolerance (Never tolerate the enemies of toleration.)" In this context Voltaire can be seen as a situational defender of freedom of expression. Based on that suggestion of Gay's, I discussed Where Voltaire attempted to estabish the boundary between issues worthy of pubic discussion and those not worthy of public discussion. Further, I examined the tactical significance of Voltaire's relative idea of freedom of expression relating it to the historical situation in his day.'The enemies of toleration' in his "Traite sur la tolerance" were Catholics in authority. But French Catholics in those days were divided.The two most dominant sects were Jesuits and Jansenists. The former exerted influence on 'roi' (the court) and the latter on 'parlement'(court of justice). The court was further divided into two factions-the progressives who were on intimate terms with 'philosophes', and the conservatives who were influenced by Catholic authority. In other words, the political situation in France in the 18th cerltunry was char-acterized by critical divisions within the 'establishment'. Voltaire managed to avoid censorship by his use of rhetoric, which revealed and deepend such divisions within the establishment. I described his tactics, drawing on an example from "Traife sur la tolerance". What was intolerance for Voltaire? According to him, intolerance was caused by an insistence on a particular view of the world, specifically, the clergy regarding their particular or private view of the world as general imposed it on many people who did not have a chance to develop their own judgment. The clergy wasted their time on religious disputes, libels etc., issues not worthy of being discussed. So, Voltaire insisted that one should nerer tolerate the enemies of toleration. It is obvious from the above that Voltaire's idea of freedom of expression was not one of absolute freedom in as much as it denied freedom to libel or to conduct religious debates. But in the context of the censorship situation at the time, this idea of incomplete freedom of expression was extremely effective tactically because, according to the censorship policy of those days, which was more tolerant to books than to newspapers or pamphlets, Catholics in authority should, at least in a nominal sense, be punished more frequenthy than "philosophes".

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In September 1896, Matsukata Masayoshi formed his 2nd cabinet as a coalition cabinet by the Satsuma clique and the Shimpo-to. Matsukata promised to amend the Press Regulasions by eliminating the articles of the prohibition and the suspension. But most han-clique statesmen opposed to the relaxation of the restriction on the press, they thought it would imperil the future of the ahn-clique. In the Matsukata Cabinet Kiyoura Keigo (the Minister for Justice) and Nomura Yasushi (the Minister for Communications) thought so. On November 9th the Nihon quoted the Niju-roku-seiki (a magazine published by Takahashi Kenzo, he was the Head Secretary of this cabinet) and blamed the Imperial Household Ministry for the corruption. Kiyoura and Nomura demanded to prohibit or suspend these papers and tried to destroy Matsukata's policy. They succeeded in prohibiting and suspending these papers, but it irritated the Shimpo-to and impelled Matsukata to make a concession for his friend party. Kiyoura's great effort resulted in promoting the relaxasation of the Press Regulations after all. In the 10th Session of the Imperial Diet, the articles of the prohibition and the suspension were eliminated.

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Journalism theory seems to face a theory-constructive crisis today. The paradigm conflict with theory of information environments and the tendency to be absorbed into mass communication theory have placed Journalism theory as 'working theory.' That is precisely the reason why I propose reconstructing journalism theory a social theory which considers journalism a ideal principle of society. The weakness of journalism theory is that it has failed to grasp the relation between mass media and audience. To improve this weakness, it is necessary to rearrange journalism theory for audience behavior. In this regard, 'uses and gratifications' approach serves as a reference. It suggests two points at issue as follows, (1)Audience behavior is subjective and active significant action. (2)Audience behavior is essentially self-reflective, that is to say, andience reflect through mass media. In short, audience behavior is a social process of reflection of communicative subject. G.H. Mead clarified that the social process of reflection was a layered process based on the levels of communicative subject forming layered interactions. Mead's theory shows us as follows, (1)A subject of jounalism is reflective one, and he makes a chain of communicative subject from individual to 'self-conscious society.' To understand this, it is necessary to introduce sociological perspective for analyzing the audience-people.(2)Jounalism theory has to study 'meaning' in the Mead's sense, i.e.reflective knowledge grasped subject-correlatively. (3)As a inside consequence of this point, the duty of journalism theory is criticizing discom-munication as non-reflective Proeess. (4)An ideal of journalism is construction of'universe of discourse.' The pursuit of ideal condition of society should be also the duty of journalism theory. In this paper, it is attempted to reconstruct journalism theory from the standpoint of audience and setting communication concept as reflective process in its crucial zone and it is the first step toward reconstruction of journalism theory as'theory of sociological reflection'. And this project would lead a journalism theory to a critical theory to which resists suppressing power on social reflection of audience, i.e.communicative subject.

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The purpose of this investigation was to test the observation by Jano-witz (1967) that since assimilation was an ultimate goal, the success of the immigrant press could in some part be measured by its ability to destroy itself, and to see if this observation held up for the Japanese minority. The japanese minorities aer a unique ethnic group in the immigrant history of the United States. They are the only group in American history. that has experienced an internment and as their income and educational levels indicate, they are one of the most successful ethnic groups. Thus, the researcher was concerned whether the above hypothesis could be supported by the newspapers of this particluar group. This is the second of two studies conducted by the researcher on the immigrant press. The first one on a Japanese newspaper in Utah gave support to the hypothesis. This is a report of the second study centering on a Japanese daily in the Los Angeles area, the Rafu Shimpo, which is the largest Japanese newspaper in the United States and is increasing its circulation to a great degree. The decline in the immigrant press was measured by the decline in frequency of publication as well as the decline in circulation. The results of this study of the Rafu Shimpo indicate that while the frequency of publication (daily) has remained constant, the increase in circulation has not kept pace with the population increase among the Japanese minority in the Los Angeles area, suggesting the paper's role in the process of assimilation. This leads the investigator to the conclusion that the hypothesis is not rejected by the data obtained in this study. The increase in circulation of the Rafu Shimpo is due, assumably, to the fact that the new segment of the population who read Japanese is increasing, and not that the people of Japanese ancestry in the Los Angeles area are not assimilating into the mainstream of American society. Of the Japanese newspapers in the United States the Rafu Shimpo has the largest circulation and the Utah Nippo, the newspaper investigated in the first study, has the smallest. Since the hypothesis is not rejected by research on these two extremes, it is reasonable to assume that the hypothesis would be supported by research on any newspaper on the continuum between these two.

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As part of the Japan-U.S.-France joint research Project on media stereotyping we tried to analyze foreign elements, i.e., foreign countries and/or foreigners, appeared on television programs broadcast in Japan. For this purpose we sampled one week of fiction (drama and featurelength film) and nonfiction (documentary and quiz show) programs from June 1985 broadcast on seven Tokyo television stations, and coded 66 programs (37 fiction and 29 nontiction programs) which contained some foreign elements for a total of 62 hours and 50 minutes. While most of the nonfiction programs were produced in Japan except for two imports from the U.S., all the fiction programs turned out to be foreign imports since no foreign elements appeared in Japanese fiction programs in this sample week. 0f these 37 fiction programs 32 were produced in the U.S., resulting in the U.S. domination over the fiction world. Though the countries covered in the nonfiction programs had much wider range, the U.S. was also found to be the country most frequently depicted. As to the themes of the nonfiction programs some differences emerged when the countries depicted were divided into the U.S. and others. Whereas the U.S.-related themes often focused upon a particular person or persons, "everyday life, manners and customs"or "nature and scenery" tended to be the dominant themes in the nonfiction programs staged in the countries other than the U.S. Furthermore, there were some differences in the images :of the U.S. and other countries conveyed through the programs as a whole, and such characteristics as "dynamic", "rich", "advance" and "open" were found to constitute the typical images of the U.S. As to the demography of major characters, regardless of the type of programs and their nationalities, males as opposed to females, those in the upper-middle social class were found to be over-represented and the young and elderly under-represented. Of the major characters Americans were rated as more "strong-willed", "smart", "serious" and less "individualistic" than the others, which did not coincide with the stereotypical images we have about the Americans. When those regarded as most representative of the U.S. were selected from the sample of American characters, however, their images tended to be in accordance with the stereotypes, in that they were rated as "outgoing" and "sociable". Thus, the U.S. was shown to constitute the main faction among the foreign countries in the world of television broadcast in Japan. It was suggested, however, that stereotypical images would be more often utilized in depiction of the countries to which we have relatively little information ; therefore, the effects of television were predicted to be greater on the formation of our images about the countries other than the U.S.

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