書学書道史研究
Online ISSN : 1884-2550
Print ISSN : 1883-2784
ISSN-L : 1883-2784
2011 巻, 21 号
選択された号の論文の8件中1~8を表示しています
論文
  • ―〈異魚図〉を中心にして―
    大橋 修一
    2011 年 2011 巻 21 号 p. 3-16
    発行日: 2011年
    公開日: 2012/10/02
    ジャーナル フリー
    The painting Yi yutu 異魚図 is peculiar to Zhao Zhigiang 趙之謙 and it is drawn in 1861 when Zhao was 33 years old. In that year, he also made Ouzhong caomutu 甌中草木図 for Chen Ziyu 陳子余 and Ouzhong wuchanquan diyiben 甌中物産巻第一本 for Jian taoshu (Shi) 江〓叔 (〓). Those works became the foundation of Haishang huapai 海上画派. I found that my acquaintance has the Yi yutu 異魚図, and I compared it with the Yi yutu 異魚図 from Erjindietang yimo 二金蝶堂遺墨. The former oneis not handed down because the preface of Hu shu 胡〓 was left out.
    He became acquainted with Jiangshi 江〓 in YongJia 永嘉 when he visisted Zhangan 章安. He compiled 章安雑説 after having many discussions with Jiangshi 江〓.
      This was also drawn in 1861, so it will be helpful in recreating Zhan zhigiang 趙之謙's thoughts and speculations by analyzing Yi yutu 異魚図 and Zhang an za shuo 章安雑集. Therefore from reading explanation of Yi yutu 異魚図 and Zhanganzashuo 章安雑説, I will attempt to recreate a sense of his youthful sentiment.
  • ―『観鵞百譚』を中心に―
    鈴木 晴彦
    2011 年 2011 巻 21 号 p. 17-26
    発行日: 2011年
    公開日: 2012/10/02
    ジャーナル フリー
    It is called Wayou-sho 和様書 that has rooted in the cultural climate of Japan and passed down as a school of calligraphy. On the other hand, the Chinese style calligraphy became popular in the Edo 江戸 era and especially was called Karayou-sho 唐様書.
      Amidst its popularity in the Edo-era, almost people who found and lead the Karayou-sho 唐様 emphasized that its origin was furnished with orthodoxy of Chinese-calligraphy. The reason for this was believed to be because of the awareness to be against the major Wayou-sho 和様書. In other words, in order for the Karayou 唐様 calligraphers to prosper, a motto was needed. However their insistences are mostly simply borrowing from Chinese ones, thus it is difficult to find Karayou 唐様 calligraphers' identity and originality in its writing.
      However, their writing at that time has information about Karayou-sho's 唐様書 trend and it can be useful materials to further understand Edo 江戸 era's calligraphy society 書道界. So it is so significant to focus on and analyze Hosoi Kohtaku 細井広沢 who is the moving the spirite behind the promotion of Karayou-sho 唐様書. In this article I investigated Karayou-sho's 唐様書 trend by looking into Kohtaku 広沢' and his writing Kanga Hyakutan 観鵞百譚.
  • 角田 健一
    2011 年 2011 巻 21 号 p. 27-43
    発行日: 2011年
    公開日: 2012/10/02
    ジャーナル フリー
    In this article I shed further light on the periods of the diversification and stabilization of character forms in bronze inscriptions of the Western Zhou 周 and consider the period of the shift to the universalization or universality of character forms. My material is based on the Shang-Zhou qingtongqi mingwen xuan 商周青銅器銘文選, vol. 1, which presents the bronze vessels by regnal period, and I generally follow it with regard to periodization. As regards sample characters, I selected characters of which more than forty examples are given in the Jinwen bian 金文編 (although characters of which the majority of examples are from the Yin 殷, Chunqiu 春秋, and Warring States periods were excluded). The total number of characters selected was eighty. I drew the following three conclusions.
      In bronze inscriptions of the Western Zhou the periods of the diversification and stabilization of characters differ depending on the character, and the characters can be classified into five types: early-middle period, middle period, late-middle period, variable type, and unchanging type. A careful examination of these reveals that the period when the greatest variation in character forms can be recognized, that is, the period when many different character forms were used concurrently, was the middle period, and this tendency was especially pronounced during the reigns of King Mu 穆 and King Gong 恭. Furthermore, character forms in bronze inscriptions experienced their greatest turning point during the reigns of these two kings, and the three early-middle-period, middle-period, and late-middle-period types, in which diversification is to be seen, exhibit diversification and stabilization around this time. In connection with the above, I also take up the character cai 才 and touch on the shift to universalization in character forms. Of course, differences arise in the time when universalization occurred depending on which of the above five types the character in question belongs to.
      Although I have not been able to clarify everything about the diversification and stabilization of character forms during the Western Zhou, I was able to show the importance of the reigns of King Mu and King Gong in the diversification of character forms, and in the future it should be possible to undertake a more detailed examination of changes in character forms with a focus on this period.
  • 高木 義隆
    2011 年 2011 巻 21 号 p. 45-58
    発行日: 2011年
    公開日: 2012/10/02
    ジャーナル フリー
    The "Twelve Months' Correspondence between Friends" ("Shieryue pengyou xiangwen shu" 十二月朋友相聞書) held by the National Palace Museum in Taipei is an early calligraphic work in cursive script with accompanying transcriptions in small regular characters, and it is also called the "Yueyi tie" 月儀帖, or "Model of Monthly Correspondence." It is said to date from the Tang 唐, and I undertake a reexamination of its date and writer with reference to the quality of the paper, the text, the calligraphic style, and variant characters in the transcription.
      The paper is the same paper as that used in copies of Wang Xizhi's 王羲之 "Sangluan tie" 喪亂帖 and "Kong shizhong tie" 孔侍中帖, having vertical guide lines and called zonglianzhi 縱簾紙. Extant examples of this paper are used only in copies made in the seventh to eighth centuries, and therefore it is to be surmised that this manuscript is a copy made in the first half of the Tang.
      The text has similarities with part of a letter-writing manual found among the Dunhuang 敦煌 manuscripts. On the basis of Wang Sanqing's 王三慶 geo-historical discussion, the text's terminus ad quem can be placed in the Tianbao 天寶 era. In addition, a text with closer similarities can be found among manuscripts said to have come from Turfan and currently held by Taito Ward Museum of Calligraphy. In view of the connections between these three texts, I assume that this was a text that was popular during the first half of the Tang.
      Judging from the calligraphic style of the transcription and the variant characters, I surmise that this work dates from the first half of the Tang. It is a rare example of a transcription written to the left of the text. It is probably one of the oldest examples of a model of cursive writing to which a transcription has been added.
      I examined the attribution of the original work to Zhiyong 智永 by comparing it with three versions of his Zhencao Qianziwen 眞草千字文 (Tani 谷 manuscript, Guanzhong 關中 manuscript, and Dunhuang manuscript). I conclude that while it is similar to the calligraphic style of the Zhencao Qianziwen, it cannot be said to be in the same hand.
      It is to be surmised on the basis of a comparison with a collection of monthly correspondence (yueyi 月儀) copied by Dong Qichang 董其昌 that, together with the "Yugangzhai momiao" 鬱岡齋墨妙, which I consulted in order to restore the text, and Dong Qichang's copy, the present work is a copy of a rubbing from an album of calligraphic models printed during the Northern Song 宋. On this basis I also produced a provisional chart showing the course of its transmission.
  • 金 貴粉
    2011 年 2011 巻 21 号 p. 59-74
    発行日: 2011年
    公開日: 2012/10/02
    ジャーナル フリー
    O Sech'ang 呉世昌 was one of the calligraphers most actively involved in the art of calligraphy in Korea during Japanese colonial rule. It is well-known that his activities were wide-ranging in his capacity as a calligrapher, connoisseur, and researcher.
      In foregoing research in not only Japan but also Korea it has been considered that under Japanese colonial rule calligraphy in Korea steadily declined, and research has tended to stop at this, with very little more being said on the subject. But in recent years progress has been seen in Korea in research on O Sech'ang's calligraphic activities in colonial Korea. In this article, taking into account the results of previous research, my aim is to clarify the distinctive features of his acceptance and development of Chinese calligraphy in colonial Korea.
      In Section 1, I survey what sort of activities O Sech'ang was involved in before he devoted himself to calligraphy. I draw attention to the fact that he belonged to the line of yohang 閭巷 literati of the chungin 中人 class, which had been emerging since the second half of the Choson 朝鮮 dynasty, and I examine the influence this had on his calligraphic activities.
      In Section 2, I examine the characteristics of O Sech'ang's works of calligraphy, analyzing in concrete detail (1) copies of other works of calligraphy and their originals, (2) seal engravings, and (3) his work entitled "Sanghyong komun" 象形古文. On this basis I discuss his own distinctive acceptance and development of Chinese calligraphy.
  • 高田 智仁
    2011 年 2011 巻 21 号 p. 75-90
    発行日: 2011年
    公開日: 2012/10/02
    ジャーナル フリー
    The mounting occupies an important position when appreciating a work of calligraphy, with importance being attached to the balance achieved with the calligrapher. The mounting may be considered to embody to a considerable degree the "feelings" of contemporaries for the work (primarily for the calligrapher), and it could be said to possess a certain cultural character. But it can hardly be said that research is being pursued in this field today. The aim of this article is to identify the intentions embodied in the mountings of the collection of hanging scrolls belonging to the Konoe 近衛 family on the basis of the way in which mounting cloth has been used.
      Because of losses suffered in a fire during the Enpo 延寶 era (1673-81), the majority of hanging scrolls held by the Konoe family may be assumed to date from the time of Konoe Motohiro 近衛基熈, the father of Iehiro 家熈, and later. In order to identify the scrolls mounted by the Konoe family, I adopted two methods, namely, comparing the mounting cloth of the scrolls with the mountings found in albums of samples of antique cloth and educing the types of cloth that are shared by hanging scrolls preserved by the Konoe family.
      I classified hanging scrolls identified by this means into "works by emperors," "works by members of the imperial family," "works by members of the Konoe family," and "early works," and I examined them with a focus on cloth used in hanging scrolls belonging to a single category and cloth used across several categories.
      As a result it became clear that especially in the mountings of hanging scrolls belonging to the categories of "works by emperors" and "works by members of the Konoe family" cloth specific to each was used, and the family status and official rank of the calligrapher were used as one of the criteria for deciding on the mounting. A further characteristic is that there are many similarities in the cloth used in "works by emperors" and "works by members of the Konoe family." This can be understood as a manifestation of the perceptions of Iehiro and the Konoe family regarding relations between ruler and subject. As well, it is to be inferred that cloth superior to what would have been appropriate to the calligrapher's family status was used in the case of individuals well versed in various arts, and these can all be regarded as important characteristics of the mountings of the Konoe family.
研究ノート
  • ―欧陽詢を中心に
    藤森 大雅
    2011 年 2011 巻 21 号 p. 91-106
    発行日: 2011年
    公開日: 2012/10/02
    ジャーナル フリー
    Ouyang Xun 欧陽詢 (557-641) is one of Tang dai sandajia 唐代三大家 and has been considered as the one who developed eight style writings. He is especially highly regarded at Kaishu 楷書. His master piece, Jiuchenggong liquan ming 九成宮醴泉銘 is regarded as the priciple of Kaishu 楷書 thus he has a very important role in the establishment of Kaishu 楷書. Jiu Tangshu 旧唐書 describes his writing as Bilixianjing 筆力険勁 and afterwards Xianjing 険勁 has been used to describe for his hand by other theories of calligraphy. However, by looking at his work Kaishusibei 楷書四碑, we can confidently saythat there are more than Xianjing 険勁 in some of the examples we see.
      In this article I collected and considered criticisms about Ouyang Xun's Kaishu 欧陽詢楷書 in theories of calligraphy, and made Ouyang Xun's Kaishu shenmei xiangguantu 欧陽詢―楷書審美相関図 for analyzing what the effects of Printed Style Kaishu 楷書 are. Even though style effects and beauty can be considered from both image aspect and words aspect, this paper inspects mainly from the aspect of the words. There is no example of such an analyses, so this method is beneficial to understand not only Ouyang Xun's Kaishu 欧陽詢楷書 but also the essence of his work. As the result, it indicates that Xianjing 険勁 is often used to describe his work, there is a trend of moving from Xianjing 険勁 to Xiongjiuan 雄健, Qiurun 遒潤, Chonghe 冲和 in describing his style when I compared the data.
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