In past research on the history of Japanese calligraphy, it has been pointed out that one of the distinctive features of Japanese treatises on calligraphy is the fact that they are "secret transmissions" (hiden 祕傳). To what degree does this understanding of Japanese treatises on calligraphy as transmissions of secrets describe the essence of these treatises?
  The first Japanese treatise on calligraphy was the Yakaku teikin sho 夜鶴庭訓抄 (ca. 1165) by Fujiwara no Koreyuki 藤原伊行, the sixth head of the Sesonji 世尊寺 lineage, and an examination of manuscripts dating from the medieval to early modern period from the perspective of "secrecy" reveals the following points. In medieval manuscripts various expressions are used to indicate secret matters, including kakusu koto カクスコト, hizo 祕藏, and hisetsu 祕説, but in early modern manuscripts these have been integrated into the single term hisetsu. In other words, while emphasizing the aspect of the secret transmission of the inner mysteries of calligraphy by means of this term, there was also a move towards universalization and popularization. This quality derives from the Japanese sense of beauty, and this is the one and only reason that we today are able to learn something from many of the works that have been deemed "works of secret transmissions."
  Meanwhile, in Chinese treatises on calligraphy the first work to raise questions about the transmission of the techniques of calligraphy as "transmissions of secrets" was the Shupu 書譜 by Sun Guoting 孫過庭 of the Tang. There actually did exist a trend in the world at large to transmit calligraphy as something "secret," and Sun Guoting cautioned against this, using the term "to keep secret" (jianbi 緘祕). In later Chinese treatises on calligraphy too there are many references to past events relating to "secrets," and these strongly reflect the connotation of "secret instructions" (bijue 祕訣) as matters of great importance.
  When one views Japanese and Chinese treatises on calligraphy from the perspective of "secret transmissions," it can be pointed out that in Japanese treatises on calligraphy there is a trend with the passage of time towards a growing awareness of them as "explanations of secrets" (hisetsu), while in Chinese treatises on calligraphy there are strong connotations of "secret instructions." By comparatively examining Japanese and Chinese treatises on calligraphy and exploring their connections, it may be possible to construct a new view of the history of calligraphy.

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Zhang Huaiguan 張懷〓 was a leading theoretician of calligraphy in the Tang, and in the Shuduan 書斷, his representative work, he develops his own theories about calligraphic styles and calligraphers on the basis of copious references cited from many written sources. Therefore, in order to gain an understanding of the Shuduan, it is essential to clarify his use of sources.
  In this article, taking into account past research, I carefully examine the actual use of sources in the Shuduan, and I educe the following general rules: (1) facts that are found in general (non-calligraphic) works possessing an established scholarly reputation, are widely shared, and are publicly recognized are used without citing the author's name or the book's title; (2) when utilizing the views of predecessors in discussions about matters regarding which there is no generally accepted view, the author's name is given in the case of works about calligraphy and the book's title in the case of non-calligraphic works; (3) criticism about works of calligraphy is utilized by giving only the author's name; (4) popular traditions about calligraphy that fall under (1) are utilized without giving the author's name or the book's title; and (5) popular traditions and manuals of calligraphy that are hardly worth consulting in scholarly terms are not utilized.
  This writing stance can be characterized as an orientation characteristic of orthodox calligraphic studies, which pursued the elegant and eschewed the vulgar, and from this there is also gained a perspective that divides calligraphic treatises over the ages into orthodox treatises that are worth consulting for their scholarlymerits and popular treatises that are not. But it is also a fact that there are a small number of passages in the Shuduan for which, contrary to this basic orientation, popular treatises may have been utilized. Furthermore, when one traces the history of the reception of the Shuduan in later times, it becomes clear that it drew closer to popular treatises in the way in which it was read, and its image eventually changed from its original image of an orthodox treatise on calligraphy to the exact opposite of a treatise with a popular coloration.

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When Mi Fu 米〓 discusses the "even and bland" (pingdan 平淡) and the "heavenly and true" (tianzhen 天眞) in works such as the Shushi 書史, Huashi 畫史, Baopu yingguang ji 寶晋英光集, and Haiyue mingyan 海岳名言, his discussion is underpinned by a negative, prejudiced, and sharpened consciousness seeking to eliminate the "vulgar" or "common" (su 俗). Ouyang Xiu 歐陽脩 wrote of the poetry of Mei Yaochen 梅堯臣 that he set out from the even and bland, brought out profundity and breadth, and achieved the odd and crafted, while Su Shi 蘇軾 wrote that when writing a poem, one produces new meanings through classical allusions and creates the elegant by means of the vulgar. These writers possessed a wholesomeness that encompasses even that which seems to run counter to the "even and bland" or embraces the "vulgar" and sublimates it to the elegant in an attempt to achieve an organic unity, and they did not develop vehement critiques that were simply sharply focused on the "non-vulgar." This is a major difference even though, like Mi Fu, they used the same terms "even and bland" and "heavenly and true" to express aesthetic ideas. the same terms "even and bland" and "heavenly and true" to express aesthetic ideas.
  In this article, I discuss the terms pingdan and tianzhen as used in the poetry, prose, and treatises on poetry by Ouyang Xiu, Mei Yaochen, Su Shi, etc., and in "poetry talks" such as the Canghai shihua 藏海詩話, which were popular during the Song. I also consider the awareness of the "even and bland" and the "heavenly and true" in Mi Fu's writings on painting and calligraphy and discuss what lies at the basis of this awareness from the perspective of the background circumstances at the time.
  The background factors underlying Mi Fu's awareness when he spoke of the "even and bland" and the "heavenly and true" were wide-ranging. The biggest direct factors were his commenting from a position of leadership as a teacher of calligraphy and painting, his abhorrence of the inundation of calligraphic fonts by Yan Liu'ou 顔柳歐 associated with the popularity of movable-type printing, his criticism of the deluge of forgeries from his position as a calligrapher, a connoisseur, and a collector, and his experience in making rubbings and copies faithful to the originals in his capacity as someone who prided himself in being a skilled copyist.

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Mi Fu 米〓 (1051-1107) was not only a leading calligrapher and painter of the Northern Song, but was also well-versed in the mounting of paintings, etc., and in writing materials, and he wrote works on a wide range of subjects, including histories of calligraphy, painting, and the inkstone (Shushi 書史, Huashi 畫史, and Yanshi 硯史). Because painting and calligraphy were done on silk and paper in ancient China, they had the drawback of being easily damaged, and great importance was attached to mounting, which also facilitated the appreciation of such works. The account of mounting in Mi Fu's Huashi is a section of this work that deserves special mention, and in the history of mounting Mi Fu is second in importance only to Zhang Yanyuan 張彦遠 of the Tang.
  In the Huashi and Shushi one can gain a glimpse of Mi Fu's views on mounting, which he built up on the basis of knowledge gained through his own experience. He writes that poor mounting mars the spirit of the calligraphy.The influence of his theory of mounting extended to later ages, and discussions of mounting following his theories can be found in works such as the Dongtian qinglu ji 洞天清祿集 by Zhao Xigu 趙希鵠 of the Southern Song, the Nancun chuogeng lu 南村輟耕録 by Tao Zongyi 陶宗儀 of the Yuan, and the Qing bizang 清祕藏 by Zhao Yingwen 趙應文 of the Ming. In addition, Mi Fu's views of mounting also have a contemporary significance, and in the Huashi one can find statements that are consistent with the present-day policy of preserving the status quo when restoring cultural assets.
  In this article, I analyze Mi Fu's views of mounting with reference to his Huashi and Shushi, clarifying differences and points of contact with present-day preservation and restoration of cultural assets and present-day mounting. I also touch as much as possible on the restoration of silk and paper, scroll rollers and their end attachments, and old paintings and calligraphy.

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Zhao Mengfu 趙孟〓 (1254-1322) was an eleventh-generation grandson of Zhao Kuangyin 趙匡胤, the founder of the Song dynasty, and served as an official under the five Yuan emperors Shizu 世祖, Chengzong 成宗, Wuzong 武宗, Renzong 仁宗, and Yingzong 英宗. While being of noble status, he left more than seventy-three pieces of inscriptional calligraphy (including twelve draft inscriptions), which is unusual in the history of Chinese calligraphy, and the background to this is quite interesting.
  I believe that the formation of the calligraphic style employed in the drafts for the "Xuanmiaoguan chongxiu Sanqingdian ji" 玄妙觀重修三清殿記 and "Xuanmiaoguan chongxiu Sanmen ji" 玄妙觀重修三門記 was of epoch-making importance not only in Zhao Mengfu's inscriptional calligraphy, but also in his calligraphic œuvre as a whole. In this article, I set out to elucidate how the calligraphy of these two drafts created a new style of calligraphy, what lay behind it, and other questions. I also wish to examine the validity of the thesis that Zhao Mengfu's calligraphy can be divided into three distinct periods. The main issues on which I focus for investigating the above questions are as follows:
  1. Zhao Mengfu's extant inscriptional calligraphy.
  2. The historical background to the formation of his inscriptional calligraphy.
  3. The origins, establishment, and development of his inscriptional calligraphy.
  4. The growth of research on the two above-mentioned drafts.
  Taking note of the common practice of writing inscriptions during the Yuan, I put forward a view differing from the views of previous scholars on the basis of Zhao Mengfu's experiences as he travelled between north and south China. I point out that the calligraphic style of the two drafts was established after his return to the south, and I draw the conclusion that because not only was it informed with the earlier styles of the Jin and Tang, but it also embodied the character of the calligraphic styles of north and south Yuan China, it laid the foundations for subsequent inscriptional calligraphy. In particular, through his acquaintance with Xianyu Shu 鮮于樞 he deepened his acquaintance with the calligraphic style of the north and gained the opportunity to be exposed to the calligraphic style of Li Yong 李〓, and it is to be surmised that this inspired a new mode of expression in his inscriptional calligraphy. The mode of expression distinctive of the two drafts merits attention also in the history of calligraphic styles, and in my view it could be called the Zhao style.

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The Sesonji 世尊寺 school of calligraphy, transmitted by successive heads of the Sesonji family established by Fujiwara no Yukinari 藤原行成, came to an end with the death of Fujiwara no Yukisue 藤原行季 in 1529. Jimyoin Motoharu 持明院基春 (1457-1535), who had mastered the secret teachings of the Sesonji school, took over from Yukisue as court calligrapher, and this resulted in the establishment of the Jimyoin school. It is said that thereafter, throughout the Edo period, this school of calligraphy passed down in the Jimyoin family was active and respected in and around the imperial court as a lineage of skilled calligraphers carrying on the traditions going back to Yukinari. But although there have been various studies of this school by earlier scholars, much regarding the true nature of the Jimyoin school remains unclear.
  In this article, I first take a look at the history of the Jimyoin family and then, having analyzed the content of works transmitting the traditions of the Jimyoin school such as the Jimyoin-dono gokaden 持明院殿御家傳, I point out that two major characteristics of this school are the fact that it regarded format as all-important and disregarded skill and the absence of a distinctive calligraphic style. The absence of a distinctive style I demonstrate visually by reproducing examples of the calligraphy of twelve heads of the Jimyoin family. In addition, taking the example of banners inscribed with the word banzai 萬歳 that were used at the emperor's coronation ceremony, I show that the Jimyoin school was not active in all areas of the imperial court.
  On the basis of the above findings, I conclude that the Jimyoin school fundamentally differed from schools such as the Shoren'in 青蓮院 (Oie 御家) school and Daishi 大師 school, which possess a style that serves as their standard, and that if one focuses on the Jimyoin school's characteristic of placing greater importance on format than on skill in calligraphy, its essence should perhaps be understood as a form of knowledge of ancient court practices for writing poems on strips of paper and so on at the court.

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Kojima Seisai 小島成齋 (1796-1862) is referred to as one of the four great calligraphers of the bakumatsu 幕末 period, but there is much about his calligraphy and achievements that remains unclear. I have been conducting research on his works of calligraphy and his views on calligraphy, and in this article I focus on his signatures and seals added to completed works and the manner in which they were applied as part of an investigation into his calligraphic works.
  First, I take up thirty-seven dated calligraphic specimens among publications and inscriptions and forty-two dated works bearing seals, and I carefully investigate the seal impressions of thirty-one seals used by Seisai, their wording and measurements, and the frequency with which they were used. I further undertook examinations of seals that were used especially frequently, and I determined that seals bearing his surname, his given name Chikanaga 親長, and his literary name Shisho 子祥 (島, 親長, 島親長, 子祥氏) may be considered to have been used from the age of seventeen to his early twenties when he was studying under Ichikawa Beian 市河米庵 (1779-1858); the seal 庫司馬印 is a seal carved in imitation of the Qianziwen 千字文 in cursive script by Huaisu 懷素 and may be supposed to have been used during his fifties; and the seals 源氏子節 and 源知足章 may be regarded as representative seals of his later years in view of the fact that both of these seals have been affixed to works mounted on hanging scrolls dating from when he was sixty-seven. Since there also exist forgeries of these last two seals, I point out that works attributed to Seisai may include forgeries, but the elucidation of further details will be a task for the future.
  Next, I examined a distinctive method of affixing seals used by Seisai, namely, that of first writing his name or literary name and then affixing his seal on top of it. In view of the fact that similar examples can be found in the works of the Song-period Ouyang Xiu 歐陽脩, Su Dongpo 蘇東坡, Huang Tingjian 黄庭堅, and Mi Fu 米〓 and in Japanese works of calligraphy, I infer that Seisai followed this method because he regarded it as a traditional style of affixing seals. This can be understood as an example of his basing himself on revivalist thought and taking the Chinese classics as his norm in seals and methods of affixing seals too, just as he did in works of calligraphy in which he followed classical works. I believe that this examination of Seisai's use of seals will be useful for inferring the dates of his undated works too.

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One of Aizu Yaichi's 會津八一 sobriquets was Konsai 渾齋, which was based on a tablet for which Wu Changshuo 呉昌碩 wrote the calligraphy. In other words, Aizu had a deep interest in Wu Changshuo. In this article, I accordingly examine the relationship between Aizu and Wu Changshuo.
  When one examines works by Aizu of which the date of composition is known, one finds works from the Taisho era that were produced on the basis of the layout of paintings with poetic inscriptions by Wu Changshuo. Further, some of his postwar poetic inscriptions for paintings consisting of waka 和歌 poems have been executed with innovative ideas by incorporating, for example, the layout of works by Wu Changshuo. When considered in this light, it could be said that from his forties in the Taisho era until his later years after the war Aizu regarded Wu Changshuo's works as an important object of consideration when producing his own works.
  In June 1949 Aizu had a talk at the head office of the publishing house Chuo Koronsha 中央公論社 with Qian Shoutie 錢痩鐵, a pupil of Wu Changshuo who was visiting Japan at the time. During their talk, Aizu put forward the view that true originality cannot be born from only imitating calligraphers of yore. In the past, calligraphers had spent the greater part of their training in copying the works of past masters. But Aizu flatly rejected this mode of practice to be seen in some calligraphers which was overly focused on imitating people of yore.
  When one reads this dialogue from 1949 it is evident that Aizu had recognized that originality is not born solely from imitation through the works of Wu Changshuo, who had devoted his life to the copying of the stone-drum inscriptions (shiguwen 石鼓文). In other words, according to Aizu, it was important to assimilate the classics, but at the same time a stance unshackled by them was necessary when composing one's own works. Wu Changshuo was for Aizu an object of consideration not only when producing his own works, but also for establishing his own ideas about the production of works of calligraphy.

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I have continuously studied the Min 明 dynasty Wenren 文人 Xu Wei 徐渭 (1521-1593) 's calligraphies and paintings. I have investigated them by little by little around the museums in East Asia, The United States and Europe. And I have written some articles, for example "Dated Calligraphy and Paintings by Xu Wei: As a Basis for a Chronology of Xu Wei's Calligraphy and Paintings" ("Calligraphic Studies" 書学書道史研究 No.16, 2006) which I classified his dated works by the sets of his own seals into the groups from A to I.
  In this article, from the five works of Calligraphies of The Suzhou Museum 蘇州博物館 which I have investigated, I study the two Big Hanging Scrolls of Calligraphy: Cursive Script "Yongjian" 詠剣 and "Yongmo" 詠墨, are so-called "the works of a high achievement on the revolution of the using brush" by LIU Zhengcheng 劉正成. I firstly describe its present conditions (the size 352x103cm paper with ink brush, no dated, the seals classified in his latest group I), observe its short history about the study of the two works, and consider its contents (the works are not the poem shi 詩 but the ci 詞 poetry. The couple of ci are originally a part of Xu Wei's "16 pieces of ci poetry" which are totally constructed by his unique and magnificent thinking of the way of the universe and the emperor. ) and its production time (either the works of his middle period 1581 when he lived in Beijing, or the works of his final years 1592 when he reached the maturity period). Finally I will write a part of the characteristics of so-called the Big Hanging Scroll Calligraphy.
  From the Calligraphies of The Suzhou Museum, about the Hand Scroll Calligraphy "Qingtian-ge" 青天歌, I firstly observe its brief history about the study of the "Qingtian-ge" Scroll, and consider its possibility of its author is not Xu Wei rather than the Min 明 dynasty buyi 布衣 calligrapher Xue Suo 雪蓑 which LU Jianzhong 呂建中 has mentioned. I supplement his opinion by the Xue Suo's Inscription of the Hand Scroll Painting "Peach and Bracket Fungus" 蟠桃紫芝図 attributed by Xu Wei of the Hongxi Museum 鴻禧美術館.

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