Mannheim's theory of the Utopian mentality is often said to have many problems. When we would study the Utopian mentality, therefore, we should solve these questions beforehand. In Mannheim, the category of totality (Totalitat) and the possibility of interpreting the documentary meaning(Dokumentsinn) are thought to be the most important methodological premises. It is necessary for us to understand Mannheim's theory in view of these points.　If we take these two premises into consideration, several basic questions about Ideology and Utopia can be answered: what the "transcendent" idea means; why the "relatively" Utopian must be realized in the next order; etc. And "Ideology and Utopia" shows itself as an logically ordered system that has neither contradiction nor confusion. In this way, we can explain the inner structure of "Ideology and Utopia" and make the position of the Utopian mentality clear in it.

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　Some studies have been done on the cultural contact of France with China since the 16th century and it has been known that the thought of Confucianism is at the back of the modernization in Europe. This may show that the thought of Confucianism, which is concerned mainly with morality and politics, has some characteristics common to the modern idea,what is called the philosophy of the Enlightenment. It can be admitted to a certain extent that the critical spirit against autocracy and the idea of secularization of the modernism is prompted by Confucianism.
　The universal view of the world which sees the man in the creative process of the universe and which believes in the natural goodnes of man is also the basis of the modern idea of democracy and liberalism. This is an idea that respects the dignity of an individual and its freedom of conscience which must always be checked up with the laws of nature.
　“Mei” is one of the key concepts in Confucianism and it means the integration of both the universal and the particular, that is, the historical individuality of man and society. This is what philosophers of the Enlightenment did not think of in those days in spite of their contacts with Confucianism. They devoted themselves exclusively to the assertion of the universal equality of man and his liberty from the existing society.
　Among the works in which the concept, “Mei”, has an important part are the sociological theory by Dr. Kazuta Kurauchi and the works by Kojin Shimomura. For both of them, “Mei” means something assigned and necessary to both man and society. It is thought to be the root of an individual being, without which the historical individuality, the concrete formation peculiar to each man and society, can not be realized. Dr. K. Kurauchi hasposed theproblem of “Mei” as that of "community," whose state basically characterizes the cultural pattern of “Society” and K. Shimomura as that of the socio-historical character of an individual.
　The problems which the “modern ages” in Europe has brought have been already argued since the 1960's. We are now in a more complicated situation of different cultures and ideas. Looking back upon the “modern ages” and searching for the way to overcome its problems and ideas, it may be expected for us to propose our own view by studying our socio-cultural tradition. What I tried in addition in this study is to trace such efforts posing the problems of “Mei”.

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　The Korean minority people have lived in Japan for almost a century.They were produced by the Japanese Imperialism. The Korean minority problem in Japan, therefore, is one of some aspects in the course of the development of Capitalism in modern Japan.
　We can generally think that this problem is broadly divided into two stages, the first stage is before the World War 2, and the second is after that. Recently, the population of the second and the third generation in the Korean minority people in Japan increased, and the crisis of the ethnic identity seems to arise among them.
　So, the Korean minority problem in Japan has not only the historical context, but also the contemporary significance. Nevertheless, it has not sufficiently been researched in social sciences yet.
　I consider this problem from the interrelationbetweentheKorean minority peple and the Japanese majority people in Japan. Here, I pick up and use three sociological perspectives, minority, marginal man and identity, and begin to research the Korean minority problem in Japan.
　By means of marginal man theory, I can see to examine some of the Japanese who have any relations with the Korean. Generally speaking, though no one of these perspectives cannot perfectly catch the totality of this problem, it is evident that each perspectives successfully illustractes certain characteristics of this problem today.
　That is my understanding in this preparatory study. So, it is said that this indicates variety of the Korean minority problem in Japan today.

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　The main purpose of this paper is to understand the kinship structure (kindred) and its historical change in a village. The data used are the relatives invited to the funeral ceremonies, and they were collected at OYAMA, northeastern part of Nara prefecture. The village life in OYAMA has changed remarkedly since around 1965, accompanied by the opening of Nishimeihan Highway and the- building of Takayama Dam. This change due to the outerside factors has brought some differences in the kinship structure.
　Based on the analysis of the relatives invited to the funeral ceremonies, it is proved that the kindred in OYAMA has changed from patrilineally inclined kindred to bilateral and personal. Namely before 1965, the traditional family (ie) had still regulated the kindred to some extent, and the kindred had inclined to patrilineal. Compared with this, after 1965, the norm of the traditional family has become loosen, and the kindred has turned to bilateral and personal.

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