What specifies this article as a work of- general theory is its analytical approach to the urban society concerned to elucidate the meaning of community. Our use of the notion of community here differs somewhat from the usual essay, because it is mainly concerned with the mode of communal cohesion among the people in any particular collectivity.
　In our previous paper, we argued for a theoretical application of this notion in urban social studies. It was stressed by the social formation approach that the urban society, compared with the homogeneity of rural society, displays a highly differentiated pluralistic social structure.
　In this paper we restricted ourselves to an account of the urban social relationship which is typicaly observable in the central business district(C. B. D. ) of metropolitan area. The major characteristic of this district is that all sorts of people meet together who never fully comprehend one another. This area appears to be a major reseach frontier in urban studies in Japan. Most sociologists in their studies of urban society have focused to some extent on the symbiotic and commensalistic aspect of urban neighborhood or on the "community planning" in urban area. Yet they hove not derived satisfactorily a theoretical model for the study of major communal variables in the co- existence relationship which typically occur whithin the C. B. D. However, we do not aime here to make a comprehensive discussion of this frontier of urban study. We try rather to demonstrate in an ideal-typical manner some possibilities of developing "the communityness" within the co - existence relationship in the urban areas.
　After examining the theoretical meanings of the mode of co- existence contact, we select four main phases of it, which are selected analytically in terms of emphasising possibility of social mutualization in these contacts.
　These are Incongruity of mutual interests 2) conformity to social constraint 3)mutual emotional response and 4)regulation. We argued that these phases characteristically correspond to four major types of modern man : 1)bourgeois　2)citizen or citoyen 3)common people and 4)mass as an "abstract collection of individuals". Among these, the citizen or public can be viewed as the ideal typical realization of the classical theory of democracy and also of a community as a value in Western social thought. We recongnized that a community in the ideal sense had existed paradigmatically in the Greek Polis, paryicularly in Periclean Athens.
　We attempted to specify more fully the nature of the community ideal. After examinating previous works on "community of public" and the neighborhood association as a focus of local autonomy in Japan, some of the possible criteria were examined to determine which of these are consistent with liberal theory of the community in the metropolitan areas. We paid also attention to the recent movement among urbanites against pollution, as a means to reformulate a community in sociological study.

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　In this paper I examine Goffman's concept of role distance and clarify its significance for individual role performrs and role theory. The main points of my argument are :
　1. Role distance is a typical role performance which constitutes a wedge between the individual and his role. However there are basic differences between "role distance", "compartmentalization" and "hypocricy".
　2. There are three logical presumptions for role distance. In the first place every role has attached to it a certain identity. Secondly, every role performer has always to respond to the identity. Finally every role has certain breadth under which some deviant responses to the identity are permissible.
　3. There are two inducements to roladistance. The first is "alienation" that is mental self- role conflict. The second is outward facing intra-or inter-role conflict.
　4. Because of "alienation", the role distance perfomer faces the role expectation the relative autonomy. This autonomy can not be explained by "sociological ambivalence" but by his multiple self identifications.

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　Collegiality or, more generally collective decision ・ making, is a fundamental attitute of organizations. But, Weber's theory of bureaucracy presupposes monocratic controle and decision - making in formal organizations. To extend the theory of bureaucracy, I first examine Weber's "Types of Collegiality and Separation of Power". Second I present a model of the power- structure in organizational decision - making. This model uses partial order scalogram analysis as proposed by Guttman. For, organizational decision - making is a process of interaction involving persons for whom allocation of power resources, such as legal power, tecnical compectence and so on, are not scalable in one dimension.

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　The purpose of this study is to expore the existing relationship between working and non-working mother's and the development of a child's independende. One thousant and eighty nine Tokyo sixth graders and their mothers were selected as subjects.
　The reasons for working，its significance for the family and mother，and various family circumstances will vary the effect of maternal employment on the development of the child's independence. By considering such variables we established the framework of this study，in which we use DTI (Diagnostic Test of Independence) to measure the developmental degree of independence.
　The major findings of the study were as follows:
　1. Non-working mothers have beneficial effects on the independence of girls.
　2. Factors such as mother-childaffection，consistency of mother's words and actions，and mother's praise can further the development of the child's independence. Working mother in such circumstances have beneficial effects on the independence of children.

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　Dans cet article je voudrait rechercher un face de E. Durkheim par quelques documents inedits. David Emile Durkheim avait deux frères et deux soeurs, il était un benjamin des cinqs. Il était le fils du rabbin d'Epinal Moïse Durkheim et de Melanie - Marx Isidor. Le père de Melanie, Joseph Marx Isidor était un marchand de chevaux et un proprietaire de Charmes.
　Epinal se veut capitale agricole avec industrie de la pomme de tère et surtout du porc donc les cases sont construites et capital commerce par la création de la Chambre de commerce et capital industrie avec beaucoup de ses industries depuis 1851. La jeunesse plus nombreuse avait de plus d'écoles, d'autant que l'instruction devenait un impératif social. Pour les adolescentes, école supérieure, collège classique, école normale sont en plein essor.
　Chez les Durkheim, il fut élevé dans foyer où regnait d'austerité plus que l'opulence, donc il étudia l'hebreu, la doctrine talmudique, il prépara la Bar Mitzva et passa son examen probatoire. Son père reçut des secours du ministre de l'instruction publiqe et des cultes, 200fr. -1,900fr. par an. David Emile poursuivit ensuite ses études au lycée Louis - le - Grand et à l'Ecole N ormaie Supérieure. Lorsqu'il avait reçu agrégation, il perdit peut- être la foi et devint agnostique en courant de la'icisation. Est - ce pour cette raison que le "Guide Juif df France", qui mentionne tous les israélités célèbres, ignore complètement le nom de Durkheim? Il mourut à Paris le 15 novembre 1917. Il n'y avait pas de quelqu'un qui sait la situation de sépulture de ce sociologue mondiale de France.
　Cependant Durkheim n'avait pas oublié sa chère ville natale, il y passait la plus grande partie des vacances. On dit avec orgueil, "le grand nom de Durkheim, le sociologue, sonne une science qui s'origine en nos écoles, dans Epinal- images de mille ans d'histoire, et nommait "La rue Emile Durkheim"à Epinal pour un monument à la gloire de ce grand sociologue. En effet, il etait un spinalien.
　Il y a son tombeau au Cimetière Parisien du Sud-Montparnasse, 3 Bd Edgar Quinet 75014 Paris. On voit une statue d'Auguste Comte, le père de la sociologie, devant la Sorbonne. Mais je ne sais pas quand est-ce qu'on estimera à son prix à Paris······

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