ソシオロジ
Online ISSN : 2188-9406
Print ISSN : 0584-1380
ISSN-L : 0584-1380
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42 巻, 2 号
通巻　130号
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論文
  • ブルデュー資本概念における「秘密」と「隠蔽」
    ブルデューモデルによる「公然の秘密」とそのゴフマンモデルとの相補性
    小原 一馬
    1997 年 42 巻 2 号 p. 3-24,162
    発行日: 1997/10/31
    公開日: 2016/11/02
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.14959/soshioroji.42.2_3
    ジャーナル フリー
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    　Although many scholars are aware of the theoretical importance of the "secrecy" or "concealment" in Bourdieu's concept of capital, most of them interpret it within a Marxist context such as "domination." This essay focuses on another ever-ignored characteristic of the secrecy in symbolic capital. Bourdieu describes it "the best-kept and worst-kept secret." This "secret" is, in fact, kept from everyone else, but everyone shares it. How can we explain such nonsensical behaviour? This is the theme of this essay. Besides this "secrecy" of symbolic capital, which is the "open secret" of its exchangeability with other sorts of capital, privacy of human animalistic function is also examined since it also shares the characteristic of "open secret." Two models are provided: one from Bourdieu, the Oligopolistic Cooperation Model, and one from Goffman, the Social OrderModel. The former is the model based on the metaphor of the non-free market, and the latter is the functionalist model. Although these models are similar in the sense that they both are the integration of methodological individualism and holism, they differ in their premises of zero-sum and non-zero-sum. These models are complementary: Bourdieu's model concerns more of the individual's function based on the assumption that the individual agent's motivation is relative and relational, Goffman's model concerns more of the social function based on the assumption that society creates new values, and thus his model provides social motivation for individuals that is not relational, but is rather absolute. As a consequence of the application of these models, we conclude: people try to protect this kind of secrecy or privacy because it creates symbolic capital and social order. (This article is a revision of a part of my master thesis for the University of Chicago.)
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  • 墓参のなかの想起と贈与
    ある村落の墓制と家の表象
    高村 竜平
    1997 年 42 巻 2 号 p. 25-42,161
    発行日: 1997/10/31
    公開日: 2016/11/02
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.14959/soshioroji.42.2_25
    ジャーナル フリー
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    　In this paper I try to describe how Ie is represented and reproducted in the cemetery. The data were on Bon rites, especially cemetery visiting, mainly collected in a seaside village in 1995. This village society has a mortuary custom called Ryobosei. In Ryobosei system, the cemetery consists of two parts situated separately, the tombstone area and the graveyard.
    　The major characteristics of cemetery visiting in this village can be summarized as these three points. (1) INTEGRATION AND REPRODUCTION OF IE: Each Ie has its own cemetery. The tombstone area is in the communal place, which divided for each Ie. The graveyard is in the property of each Ie. Ie members visit the tombstone area and the graveyard, Ie by Ie. (2) GIFT PRESENTING TO OTHER IE: They also visit other Ies' graveyards which means presenting gifts to other Ies. This is based on Ie relationships. (3) REMEMBRANCE OF THE DEAD: The dead is remembered through his or her grave, and visitors regard the graves as the true and important tombs. As long as they remember where the dead was buried, they visit a grave of him or hers, not a tombstone. This is based on their personal and emotional relationships.
    　The cemetery visiting in this village is a complex of those three. The cemetery, especially the grave is not only the symbol of Ie, but also that of personal and Ie relationships. Therefore, the cemetery in this village is the representation of Ie; not enclosed ones as are usually regarded, but interrelated ones based on their members relationships.
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  • 日本の近代と児童の身体
    座る姿勢をめぐって
    西村 大志
    1997 年 42 巻 2 号 p. 43-64,160
    発行日: 1997/10/31
    公開日: 2016/11/02
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.14959/soshioroji.42.2_43
    ジャーナル フリー
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    　This article is a socio-historical study about children's sitting body technique. The discourses presented here are gathered from Meiji-Taisho era scientific journals of medicine, hygiene, pedagogy and paedology.
    　In the early Meiji period, the western-style chairs and desks were introduced into the elementary schools, and the new style of body technique was imposed on the school children. There were arguments in the medical and educational world whether school children should sit on chairs or not, what the healthiest way of sitting should be and the best form of chairs and desks were. At the same time, how to measure the sizes of children's bodies and how to cure their improper posture were taken into question.
    　Early school hygienists investigated the nature of school children's bodies, chairs and desks. Much importance was laid on designing the whole classroom including the form of chairs and desks, and taking into consideration the way they conform to the children's bodies. They tried to gauge the effect of the school environment on the children's bodies. They believed that almost all of the school children's diseases of improper posture were caused by improper surroundings.
    　But the knowledge of school children's bodies changed gradually. With the help of paedology, pedagogical discourse went hand in hand with medical discourse. And under the influence of genetics, diseases among children were held to be due to their predispositions. As a result, children's bodies were reconsidered, and the most important thing to cure improper posture was considered to be the children's own personal effort: children were thought to have to cure themselves through gymnastic exercise. Here we can observe the hidden mechanism of subjectivization of modern society.
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  • 高齢女性の社会的ネットワークとソーシャルサポート
    世帯類型と年齢別分析
    野辺 政雄
    1997 年 42 巻 2 号 p. 65-85,159
    発行日: 1997/10/31
    公開日: 2016/11/02
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.14959/soshioroji.42.2_65
    ジャーナル フリー
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    　The purpose of this paper is to explore the effect of both living arrangements and age of elderly women on social networks and source of support. A sample survey of 283 elderly women between 60 and 79 was conducted in Okayama City in 1995. Analysis of their network ties has revealed the following four points:
    　(1) "Solitary women", who lack family relationships, had more friendship ties within Okayama City. In contrast, "women living with their husband and child (ren) " reported fewer friendship relationships within the city. Because of the compensatory relation between the family and friendship relationships, the social networks maintained by elderly women were of the same size, irrespective of their living arrange ments.
    　(2) "Women living with their husband and child(ren)" had more access to support from their family members than "solitary women", "women living with their husband", or "women living with their child (ren) ". Conversely, "women living with their husband" were more likely to receive support from their relatives than "women with their husband and child(ren) ". Moreover, "solitary women", "women living with their husband", or "women living with their child (ren) " tended to gain support from their friends more often than "women living with their husband and child (ren) ".
    　(3) Age difference did not appear in the number of their social relationships and size of their social networks.
    　(4) As they grew older, these women found it more difficult to get support from their family members, relatives, friends, and workmates. As a result, older elderly women in the sample had less access to support from any network members.
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