There are a lot of problems in upper secondary schools in this meritocratic society. In the case of agricultural high schools this is especially acute. In the field of educational sociology, students who go to schools at the "bottom" of an academic ranking are treated as victims of the system. Although a few researchers have shown the differences between students' own culture and meritocracic ethic, they have not paid much attention to the students' "practice" owing to continuation of social stratification and of their ranking in the lower positions in this stratification.
　In this paper, I will try to reconsider "practice" of students who play soccer in an agricultural high school. Based on ethnographic research, I will discuss this in three parts.
　First, I will illustrate the students' own culture which is symbolieed by their "careers" of extracurricular activities. They do not think the school culture or the meritocratic ethic is important for themselves. Their culture is based upon their daily lives and it is important for them to be where they feel accepted.
　Secondly, I will show how their "careers" are related to their courses after graduation. The students in the soccer team have cultural capital and physical capital which are rarely converted into economic or legitimate cultural capital. Many of them get positions in automobile companies as manual labors.
　Thirdly, I will reconsider the "practice" at the "bottom" of the stratification. Although their labor conditions are severe, they manage to behave autonomously in their shop floors. This autonomy is derived from their own culture. However, it is never noticiable and the importance of the culture has been overlooked by the sociologists.
　Finally, in my discussion on "practice" of the agricultural high school students, I will conclude that their behavior indicates latent doubt about the meritocratic ethic.

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Rather than focusing on adult, teenage or child anime, this paper analyses Soreike! Anpanman, a popular anime for toddlers (1-4 year olds) in Japan. Anpanman, with its prodigious gadgets market, has become a fixture in daily life. Childcare institutions and parents appreciate its "educational features". In this essay, I first analyze Anpanman as a text, defining its value system which earned it such positive acceptance. Second, I indicate what kind of discursive and non-discursive possibilities /limits are implied in its specific hierarchy of values, and how they can be related to the socializing process of infancy.
　The cartoon series depicts the eternal struggle between the hero Anpanman (Bean Bread-Kid) and the anti-hero Baikinman (Bacteria-Kid). Anpanman is the flying patrolman of the community's order (groupism, food-organic life, work) , while Baikinman is the aggressive threat to it (egoism, germ-mechanical life, leisure). The community, labelled as minna (everybody) and nakayoshi (amicable, chummy) , is the resource of legitimation/delegitimation and inclusion/exclusion of the characters' actions. In actuality, the specific personification of minna's ultimate authority is the only male human character, the always smiling old chef-baker Jamojisan (Uncle Jam). He is the father-creator of Anpanman, the patriarch who retains both the legislative authority and the executive power.
　I interpret the kid-characters Anpanman and Baikinman as "still unrealised human possibilities" - the positive one necessarily determined by the exclusion of the negative one - and the adult human character Jamojisan as the legitimated, but unilateral realization of these opposing possibilities. Such a value system can be read as a symbolical socializing process proposed to the infant viewer, and has a great similarity to the socializing process children undergo in childcare institutions.
　Furthermore, in regard to the more general and practical dimension of socialization, due to the limited autonomy of the infant viewer in the access, choice, and use of Anpanman-products, I also point out the necessary interrelation of infants, childcare institutions and parents: this will be the core of my future research.

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　Recently, more and more psychological knowledge have been infiltrated into many people as some life skill. What effects does this tendency have on these people?. Many famous sociologists and social theorists, such as M. Foucault, A. Giddens and R. Bellar, have tried to explore this phenomenon. In this paper, I also discuss the same issue, and aim to demonstrate that penetration of psychologism has an effect of social control which reproduces the flexible organization of society as "rationalization".
　Firstly, I describe the trend of "flexibility in labor market", which is the representative form of flexible organization of society, and show that "flexibility in labor market" idealizes the persons who can raise their "emotional intelligence (EQ) ", because they are considered to be the orderly people that can commit themselves to each situation flexibly without direct supervision. This idealization channels many people into learning to raise their "emotional intelligence" by , for example, reading various psychological self-help books.
　Why can "flexibility in labor market" govern the present society so powerfully? That is the second question. My answer is that because it is sustained by consensus of the values of "respect of individuality" and "self-realization" among many people, it can exert its strong "hegemony". The popularization of these psychological values have been promoted by psychologists such as A. Maslow. So, the power of "flexibility in labor market" depends upon the permeation of these psychological values into various organs of society, which , in turn, makes many people need psychological knowledge to survive in the society organized flexibly.

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　This paper aims at explicating intelligibility of figures in sociology based on the theme of "Socology of Scientific Knowledge".
　As a preliminary examinations figure in sociology is compared with that in natural science and a graph. The former is distinguished from the latters in terms of "prospective-retrospective properties of reading". It is claimed that the properties are not necessarily needed but reduced in reading figures in sociology. Therefore this leads to examination of those figures in their own right by separating them from temporal order of reading.
　The examination is taken through using logico-grammatical findings suggested by Michael Lynch. According to Lynch, intelligibility of figure is consisted of "mathematical" elements -labels,arrows,their arrangement. Each element is examined concretely in many figures in sociology.
　Labeled space gives sociological concepts their distinctiveness, definiteness, indepndence of others. Arrows make causal relations between concepts appear. The arrangement of them creates symmetrical and/or asymmetrical relations among the concepts.
　I add gestalt-contextural property to these findings. In some cases figures show us too much to be needed. Only in such cases,we uses "prospective-retrospective properties of reading" to pass the 'too much' and maintain accountability of mathematical elements.
　And it is also claimed that the figure in sociology which is consisted of these elements brings about not rationality in mathematics but "impresion of rationality". This is because the figures delete the quantity while using the mathematical elements. But I find that ratio is included in the impression.
　Consequently, it is claimed that impression of rationality achieves practical kinds of rationality-rational recognition of subject studied in the way diffrent from requirements of methodology and that this impression is ordinary accountable phenomena.

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　It has been long from to be said coming of "Information Society", which stands for a well organized information system. And they say that progress of information society is to change the social structure. Of course, it is a naive technological determinism to think that high technological innovations directly bring about the social evolution.
　In this paper, it is attemped to analyze telework; a working style in which jobs are done through home computers linked to those at office. As the new workstyle is brought by the information society, telework is expected to evolute the structure of labor. But, there are significant conflicts between the expectations to telework and the realities of it.
　In chapter 1, expectations for telework are surveyed, and problems in Japanese telework are discussed in chapter 2. In chapter 3, it will be manifested that those problems are caused by the structural characteristics of Japanese industrial society. In the last chapter, the expectations and social effects of telework shall be reexamined, in terms of the intelligence acquired by studying telework.

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