This article deals with the concept of "development" in Norbert Elias' sociological thought. Elias claims that his sociological approach is both "figurational" and "developmental", but most critiques of his approach focus mainly on the former and do not give much attention on the latter. It seems no wonder that the concept of "development" is pushed to the back ground, when we know that the concept has associations with nineteenth-century evolutionism and belief in progress. However, we realize we cannot dismiss the importance of the concept when we notice the fact that Elias attempted many times to refine the concept of "development" so that it could be regarded as scientific. What makes us curious then is that although he tried so hard to refine the concept, he could never give a satisfactory definition to it. Then why did he try so hard to keep the concept? And why couldn't he finally give a satisfactory definition to it?
　To answer these questions, I examine both Elias' explanation of the concept in his theoretical discussions and his description of historical processes in his "theoretical-empirical" works such as The Civilizing Process, and conclude that there are two different epistemological positions on which he stands when he talks of "development". Elias always took an empirical point of view and could never get out of this epistemological horizon when he tried to explain the concept. But on the other hand, he already got out of the empiricism and reached a new epistemological horizon when he practiced the description of historical processes. The new epistemological horizon is found to be the same as the one to which Michel Foucault's genealogy belongs, a totally new approach on history compared with the usual approach called empiricism = historicism.

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　The aim of this paper is to explicate some aspects of "mental care" at the HanshinAwaji earthquake area. In the aftermath of the Kobe (Great Hanshin-Awaji) earthquake, the mass media reported the necessity for upholding victims in mental health, and then such terms as "mental care" or PTSD (post-traumatic stress disorder) had become known to a wide public. After due consideration of precedent studies, we set up the hypothesis that the permeation of "mental care" had religious aspects. To examine this hypothesis, we conducted a questionnaire survey regarding religious consciousness and their attitude to "mental care" of earthquake victims in Higashinada Ward, Kobe City.
　Firstly, we found that there was statistically significant correlation between religious consciousness and needs of "mental care". Secondly, we examined what kind of "mental care" was needed at the earthquake area. The results suggested that respondents expected not only psychiatrists and counselors but also religious persons as agents of "mental care". This analysis showed that "mental care" both as psychiatric treatment and as religious healing were needed.
　Furthermore, we examined relations among variables regarding "mental care" in each demographic groups (gender, age, educational background).The results showed various patterns of correlation between expectation of "mental care" agents and needs of "mental care" in each demographic groups. We explained these complicated aspects of "mental care" were due to its symbolism as victims' wishes to be relieved.

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　In this paper, I consider the meanings of Democracy in Uganda, East Africa to be the driving force which makes 'civil society'. British colonial government introduced party politics and constitutionalism into Ugandan politics when Uganda gained independence. Western countries have regarded party politics and constitutionalism as typical features of democracy. British colonial government, however, also prepared artificially tribal or ethnic separation in Uganda originating from British 'indirect' rule. British colonial government gave to the people of Uganda both citizenship of Uganda and tribal or ethnic identities. The post-colonial project known as 'nation-building' which required national homogeneity was hindered by tribal or ethnic sectarianism.
　After capturing power in 1986, President Museveni's National Resistance Movement (NRM) established Resistance Committees (RCs) system based on villages throughout the country to sustain self-governance. RCs guided people by the principles of broad-based administration so-called 'popular' democracy. And RCs became a major organ of decentralisation and local governance. The NRM also started making a new Constitution to define citizenship of Uganda and to legitimatize the government. In order to make 'a truly people's Constitution', members of the Constituent Assembly (CA) was elected by the people. The CA debated and promulgated the new Constitution.
　Since the colonial era, the kingdom of Buganda has been the centre of administration in Uganda. Buganda that cooperated with British colonial government in making the Uganda Protectorate was given the privileged status of the Federal State in 1962 Independence Constitution. At the same time, the kingdom of Buganda formed a political party, Kabaka Yekka. Presidente Obote who depended on the force of the Army orgnized by the people of Northern Uganda abolished the kingdoms in Uganda and banned activity of political parties by 1967 Republican Constitution. He converted the discourse of Democracy into the ideology of racism and/or ethno-politics. After Obote's regime, in repetition of coup d'etat, the key positions in Government were dished out to tribesmen before the other ethnic groups. This habit would be called 'culture of eating' in Ugandan context; only specific tribesmen could 'eat' Uganda.
　President Museveni has tried to establish democracy in Uganda in his own way i.e. the Movement political system. He has also taken the lead in trying to make a wider market in Africa following up Capitalism and Pan-Africanism. He might let Uganda 'eat' Africa.

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　In this paper I examine the discourses relating to the "love marriage" and courtship in the women's periodicals Fujin Koron (Women's Central Review) and Shufu no Tomo (Housewife's Friend) over a period of roughly ten years, from the inception of the periodicals in 1916 and 1917, respectively, until 1926, the last year of the Taisho period. As an analytical tool, I have adopted the concept of "acceptability" developed by Jean Pierre Faye, a theorist whose work is informed by a view of language as a socially and historically situated phenomenon. Faye is concerned with the processes whereby a narrative is rendered socially acceptable, and since this is contingent upon key words and expressions, Faye focuses on the way these expressions undergo complex transformations, a process I have termed "semantic transformation."
　I have examined the expressions "ren'ai kekkon" or "love marriage," and "danjokosai," a term which translates literally into "association of men and women" and whose meaning has shifted over time. I claim that the term "ren'ai kekkon," or "love marriage," shifts from signifying a congenial relation between spouses to meaning a marriage based on romantic love and free choice of partner. Ironically, since the "loveconquers-all" discourse, which gains momentum in the early 1920s, was saturated with the notion of sexual purity, this precluded talk of "danjokosai" as courtship, considered dangerous, but I argue that this inconsistency in the discourse is absorbed by the multiplicity of meanings for the term "danjokosai." I also argue that key words found in this discourse such as "junketsu" (purity) , and "jinkaku" (personality/character), had a special appeal for the newly educated women of the new middle class, an affinity which helped render the discourse acceptable.

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　This paper attempts to give a genealogical account of nutritional studies in earlytwentieth century Japan.
　B. S. Turner (1992) has argued that nutritional studies have played a major role in the rationalization of diet, which accompanied the general rationalization of society (i.e. the rationalization of economy, life, etc.) However, nutritional studies were first institutionalized as an independent discipline in Taisho Japan, earlier than in any other western industrialized nations at the time. I argue that the development of Japan's nutritional studies had little to do with its societal rationalization, but was rather a product of various contingent power-relations, which are not one.
　The idea of 'nutrition' was first introduced into Japan when the disease kakke (beriberi) among naval men were becoming of great political concern. Then, there was the frequent occurrence of kome-soudou (rice riots) when it was finally agreed in the Diet to found the first national institution for nutritional studies in 1920. It was rather a historical process characterized by discontinuities brought by political as well as economic requirements particular to certain social spaces.
　Moreover, there was a wider and more fundamental discontinuity that has led the prosperity of Japan's nutritional studies. It was a break between social spaces, between Japan and the industrialized west. As many have pointed out, people had developed a severe inferior complex throughout the early 20th century in Japan, in terms of body size compared to westerners. It was in this situation that nutritionists suggested a seemingly most effective way of overcoming these gaps. Better nutrition was deemed so important since it promised them a bigger and stronger body, and therefore, the making of modern strong nation.

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　Until now, the history of young intellectuals in Modem Japan have been described focusing Literary-minded Youth (“ Bungaku-seinen”). This paper proposes to reexamines that (folk-) theory, in finding out a “new” type of youth, Eloquent-minded (“Yuben-seinen”), and considering a reason for it being “forgotten”, in the way of historical sociology mainly using recollections and other objective indexes.
　(1) In Meiji 40's (about 1907-16), Elocution was very much in fashion centering around the speech clubs (“Benron-bu”) at school of higher education. So, (2) Young intellectuals at that time could select their own types between Literary-minded and Eloquent-minded.
　But, (3) Postwar-intellectuals (born during 1905-15)have reconstructed the history of their predecessors' as “from Literary-minded to Social-minded”, in other words, failed to notice the Eloquent-minded type. On the other hand, (4) Youth in Meiji 40's (born during 1890's) have had no representative to narrate their experiences as the history of young intellectuals.
　(5) There is a generation gap in the remembrance of elocution, between Postwar intellectuals and Youth in Meiji 40's. As a result, Eloquent-minded type has been out of position in the theory of the intellectuals in Modern Japan.

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