The purpose of this study is to examine how the "modern family" value has been maintained in contemporary Japan. Contrary to other studies that describe the legitimization of this value as a reproductive process, this study aims to describe it as a process of survival, which assumes the existence of challenges to its legitimacy. It supposes the appearance of assisted reproductive technologies to be one of the challenges. Examining discourses on those technologies, it analyzes the transformation of rhetoric to allow this value to survive. The result of this study was as follows: until the early 1970's, this value had been justified by the "natural order" rhetoric; the view that a married couple must bring up their children because of right beyond personal will. However, the other view that people had to reproduce on eugenic grounds for the benefit of society made its legitimacy unstable. The "modern family" value succeeded in overcoming this crisis by employing the "right" rhetoric, meaning that judgment of doing reproduction depended on the couple's will. However, in the early 1990's, the opinion that criticism of procreation by unmarried persons made light of their intentions began to stand out. The "modern family" value countered this challenge with the "responsibility" rhetoric, that a person who wanted to have a baby should control themselves within the terms of the value to best protect the baby's life. This explicated the following two findings: First, this value, although exposed to the opposite opinions of reproduction for the sake of society or for the individual, has managed to retain its legitimacy. Second, this value has gradually strengthened its control over peoples' minds. In fact, society has come to estimate people by the strength of their faith in this value as well as by whether or, not they obey it.
The past studies on passing practice have accounted for the interaction about one's appearance and recognition of it. But these studies started their argument from the point that one already has a "normal appearance," and did not account for how it is accomplished that one has a "normal appearance" in the viewer's recognition. The aim of this article is to argue that such a way of accounting of past studies can not adequately account for passing practices of transgenders who intend to accomplish being a "normal natural female," using the transcript data from interviews of Male-to-Female transgenders, because accomplishing that appearance is the most important problem for them. For this, I focus on "viewing" as an action. First, I discuss the logic used in Goffman's Stigma and Garfinkel's famous paper on "Agnes," who is transgender. Through this work, it is found that the person who is passing is categorized in two ways. One is "categorization at a glance" which is an immediate and spontaneous practice. The other is "categorization from inductive judgment," which is conscious judgment by clues in one's appearance. Second, it is found from data that the person who is passing refer to "categorization from inductive judgment" to accomplish being categorized as "normal" with "categorization at a glance." Third, it is only when the question for instance, "Is that person is male or female?" is relevant that "categorization from inductive judgment" usually arises. So, for transgenders, to be categorized with the way of "categorization from inductive judgment" is to fail passing. This means that accounting for achievement or failure in passing must distinguish two ways of categorization. Through that consideration, I conclude that being categorized as a "normal natural female" with the way of "categorization at a glance" is necessary for transgenders to pass as normal. That is, on the one hand, the first step to passing, and on the other hand, the endless practice for transgender people.
In pre-war Japan, crime prevention was one of main goals of the child welfare movement. The advocates of abandoned children commonly warned the public to prevent those children from becoming delinquent youth. In this paper, I explore the historical formation of such a claim, by tracing the definition of delinquent youth in the Meiji period. In the early Meiji period, the category of "delinquent youth" did not include innocent abandoned children. Instead, such children were merely considered poor unfortunates. From the late 1890s, however, the linkage between delinquent youth and abandoned children began to be "discovered" from two sides. On the one hand, Adachi Noritada, an executive staff member of the Tokyo Poor House, reported the process of abandoned children becoming delinquent, based on his interviews of those children and his observations of their actual lives on the streets or living in temple gardens. Adachi claimed that they grew up to be thieves and pickpockets by learning bad lessons from older beggarly boys. On the other hand, Ogawa Shigejiro, a leading prison bureaucrat, claimed that he discovered the backgrounds of "habitual criminals." He stated that habitual criminals, the most dangerous type, had been abandoned in their childhood and then joined crowds of vagrants and beggars, from whom they learned thievery, pickpocketing, or arson and so became delinquent youth and full-fledged criminals. Ogawa's statement was an epistemological construct based on the new criminological theories of Franz von Liszt and Enrico Ferri in Europe. Together with Adachi's report, however, Ogawa's statement was persuasive enough for personnel of prisons, reformatories, and orphanages to perceive abandoned children as criminals-to-be and to advocate relief for them in order to prevent their crimes. Based on these historical findings, I stress the importance of analyzing the symbolic relationships among social categories, which often have been beyond the scope of social construction theories in sociology.
This paper explores dynamism of rural families' change to "modern family" in the interwar years. One of the typical life style aspects of the "modern family" which emerged within the urban new middle class in the Taisho period is their marital relationship love marriage and respecting their emotional partnership . In this paper, I take up these aspects as part of their "culture" and consider how it affected on rural families' lifestyle in the interwar years. In traditional "modern family" studies, the prewar "modern family" had been considered to be limited within the urban new middle class. In contrast, rural families the majority of that period were considered to be statistic, classic ones. Recently, some studies have indicated dynamism of prewar rural families, but in these studies, it is assumed as an axiom that people in rural areas would have accepted the lifestyle of the new middle class. However, it is important to consider why and how they accepted urban "culture", depending on with what kinds of social background they confronted on. This paper focuses on their independent choices in the process of accepting urban "culture", examining the rural youth's opinions in le no Hikari. The positivity toward acceptance of urban "culture" had a gender bias. Young women were disposed to accept it more than young men. In this paper, focusing on the factors in rural society that created the gender bias, I intend to present rural youth more as independent leaders accepting urban "culture". In addition, I mention the rural movement "Kousei Undou" in the interwar years as a main factor allowing them to practice the urban "culture".
Diabetes is a life-long disease marked by elevated levels of glucose in the blood. It can be caused by too little insulin, resistance to insulin, or both. There are two major types of diabetes. Type I diabetes is usually diagnosed in childhood, as the body makes little or no insulin. Type II is far more common than type I, and usually occurs in adulthood. The pancreas does not make enough insulin to keep blood glucose levels normal. Type I is not categorized as a "lifestyle disease". The purpose of this paper is to examine a type I patient's process of self-image reconstruction while undergoing a diabetes education course and learning that she must change her lifestyle to control her blood glucose levels. She understood the diagnosis, was cooperative with the treatment and has no doubts about her blood glucose levels. However, as to the cause of the diabetes, she adhered to a medically incorrect understanding of the cause of her condition. Although she understood that type I has nothing to do with past behavior, she continues to blame her past lifestyle in her narrative. Medically correct explanations do not always exempt patients from feelings of self-responsibility for their diseases even when they understand their diagnosis and accept their treatment.