The purpose of this paper is to reconsider sociologically the problem of disidentification in social identity studies. In this paper, this reconsideration is made from the perspective of self-consciousness toward self-dissolution (that is, to dissolve one’s own self). The social discourses that express this self-consciousness toward self-dissolution are called “discourses in self-dissolution.”　In this paper, after presenting the general psychological and sociological arguments with regard to self-consciousness, the discourses in the writings of the Japanese Dadaist writer Tsuji Jun (1884-1944) are discussed from a sociological perspective. One type of self-consciousness toward self-dissolution is shown based on sociological considerations, and the problem of discussing self-consciousness toward self-dissolution is illustrated as well.　In Section 1 of this paper, the point at issue is set up for addressing self-consciousness toward self-dissolution. In Section 2, the theoretical frame of reference for self-dissolution is discussed by reconsidering psychological and sociological arguments with regard to self-consciousness. In Section 3, the discourses regarding self-dissolution in Tsuji’s text are displayed concretely, and the structure of his thought is examined. The singularity of his self-consciousness toward self-dissolution is also considered. That singularity is examined from the perspective of the theoretical framework, and a type of the self-consciousness toward self-dissolution is considered. Finally, in Section 4, the relation between the subject and the transcendental on self-consciousness toward self-dissolution is shown.　This paper offers the following conclusions. First, the sociological consideration of self-dissolution can be executed on the axis of the integration/dissolution of the identity. Second, it can be developed more precisely by arguing the relations of linkage and reaction of an integrative intention and a transcendental intention regarding the self. Third, there is a need for further discussion of the relation between the subject and the transcendental.

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　With whom, where and how should people live after retirement? Recently, issuesconcerning retirement dwellings have become an important theme among the elderly.The purpose of this article is to examine the possibility of collective housing for theelderly by analyzing the case of Hyogo Reconstruction Collective Housing (HRCH),public housing which is primarily for the elderly.　HRCH is part of the public housing built for those who lived in temporary housingafter the Great Hanshin-Awaji Earthquake struck in 1995. The aim was to providecollective housing. Developed in Sweden in the 1970s, collective housing combinesindividual rooms with common spaces and is characterized by cooperation whereby theresidents are responsible for the management of the common spaces. Similarly, in HRCHthe residents were expected to work together in caring for a common room called akyōdō-shitsu.　This project, designed to counter the increasing number of people who were dyingalone in temporary housing, has had limited success insofar as the residents - who havenot heard about collective housing - have found it difficult to cooperate spontaneouslyin the management of the kyōdō-shitsu. Meanwhile, the residents have created their ownlifestyle, ensuring safety and helping each other in the case of emergencies by makinguse of their balconies, which are another common space.　The kyōdō-shitsu at HRCH has been deemed a failure. However, the residents use ofbalconies suggests that they understand their own needs and have created their ownlifestyle. This also suggests an alternative way of living for old people.

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　Increases in child abuse are widely known. In this paper, I look at sexual abuse andhow it develops and is sustained in society. In considering this matter, I have focusedon the narratives of women in a self-help group who were the victims of sexual abuse.I have also derived data from previous research regarding why abuse victims are heldpersonally responsible, and why this is portrayed as the composition of child abuseproblems. In this paper, my aim is to reveal how these aspects are connected with thenarratives of sexual abuse victims.　Instances of child sexual abuse are generally thought to be limited in number whencompared with other types of child abuse. In a report prepared by a children’s guidanceclinic in 2004, sexual abuse cases represented only 3-5% of the total. Yet reports in thefield of clinical psychiatry state that sexual abuse in childhood is the cause of 15% ofadult mental instabilities. From this data, we can assume that victims suffer from mentalinstabilities which can be recognized by both the victim and her doctor. We can alsoconclude that it is very difficult for children to seek help.　Sexual abuse problems have been perceived as the problems of the assailants.But when we interpret sexual abuse as a social problem from the viewpoint ofsocial-constructivism, victims are concerned about the problems and can be seen as“actors.” When we think about reasons for sexual abuse as a social problem, we have tothink about the meaning for these “actors” as well. When the victims detect the problemsand the situation and begin to talk with other people about their experience, theybecome active “actors.” When I focused on the victims’ narratives, some representativenarratives came to light which I defined as the dominant stories of the self-help group.Then I found that the victims of sexual abuse have a passive existence in the compositionof sexual abuse as a serious social problem. As a result, this paper concludes that nocure can be found for these victims.

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　The consideration of “youth” and “delinquency” as specific phenomena emerged withthe development of modernity in Western societies. However, there are few studiesof youth in the socialist societies of the former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe.Therefore, this paper focuses on Polish films (especially documentary films) around 1956that deal with the problem of “hooligans” (chuligani).　In the era of Stalinism in Poland (1949-1955), hooliganism was one of the most seriousproblems in Polish society, but until the “Thaw” it had not been addressed directly. Inofficial propaganda, it was said that hooliganism should not occur in a society that is“building socialism.” If it appeared, it might be a “relic” of pre-War capitalist Poland, ormight result from the bad influence of “enemies” from the outside, especially “Americanculture.” It was never treated as a social problem inherent to the People’s Republic ofPoland.　The perception of “hooligans” dramatically changed in 1956, however, when Polandunderwent a great socio-cultural transformation, the so-called “Polish October.” As aresult of this social change, hooliganism attracted a lot of attention in public discourse,especially in documentary films.　From an analysis of the images of hooligans in these films, it becomes clear that therewere two opposing perceptions of youth in Polish society. In one, youth were treated as“authentic” and “precious,” because they appeared to be free from any of the meanings ofStalinist propaganda’s “cliché” (drętwa mowa). In the other, hooligans were perceived suchthat there was a certain re-assimilation of the youth in the existing system, constructinga network of discourse and power around the “Truth” which is to be found hidden in theyouth.

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　This paper aims to clarify the decision process of installing CCTVs (Closed CircuitTelevisions). To approach this question, I conducted fieldwork in a community located inan urban area in the Kansai region. The data collected can be divided into three periodsas follows: 1) an offer by the police to install CCTVs, 2) debates regarding the installationof CCTVs as part of an urban development project, and 3) the period following thedecision to install CCTVs.　In the first period, the police were responsible for the focus on the use of CCTVs inthe community. The police informed the jichikai (community association) about theideas related to the “broken windows theory” in crime prevention, and after that offeredto install CCTVs. Their offer resulted in debates over the pros and cons of CCTVs.Ultimately, because of the fear of CCTVs controlled by the police and the difficulty ofachieving a concensus among the residents, the offer was denied.　In the second period, plans for installing CCTVs were brought back as part of anurban development project to renovate the community. The meetings to discuss thisproject were usually attended by a number of local residents, researchers specializingin urban engineering, the representatives of unions related to drinking and commercialestablishments, and the representatives of an association affiliated with the localgovernment. Because the project’s principal members wanted to create a concrete planfor the community, they made an effort to listen to the ideas of the residents, afterwhich they showed their support for those residents who believed that CCTVs should beinstalled.　In the third period, the above process was questioned by some residents whowondered whether CCTVs were really necessary for their town and for the urbandevelopment project. These residents pointed out the need for better planning toattend to the real needs of local residents, and reinterpreted CCTVs in keeping with thisperspective.　Based on the data above, I argue that most studies about surveillance tend to focus ona successful installation process, and conceal the diversity of meanings including thosemeanings stemming from a reinterpration by local residents. Therefore, these meaningsshould be taken into account if we are to rethink surveillance studies and create acritical perspective in the future.

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