Various perspectives regarding the “medicalization of childbirth” were compared, and different positions concerning the possible de-medicalization of childbirth were discussed. Here, the medicalization of childbirth was perceived in a limited sense and defined as “the institutional management of childbirth by medical professionals in medical settings” There are a wide range of social issues surrounding parents and children, both before and after childbirth, and these issues all have various social dimensions, including global health problems affecting mothers and children, declining birthrates, physical and mental anxiety in expectant and nursing mothers, fear of childbirth, and anxiety about childrearing, among others. An 85-year-old midwife who has been assisting in childbirth for approximately five decades by supporting mothers from the initial stages of pregnancy through to the lactation period after childbirth was interviewed as part of this study. Since people with various points of view, including pregnant women and families that have given birth and are raising children, typically gather in the midwife’s home to share the experience of child raising together, looking after children, and taking care of their daily needs, this provide a good meeting place where dialogue can occur. Here, the practice of a midwife can be considered a process of managing external conditions, including coexisting with medical facilities, and recognizing childbirth as an important rite of passage in the course of pregnancy, childbirth and childcare, as well as the process of learning to live with a child.This midwife’s experience suggests that we can best perceive childbirth as part of the natural human life cycle that includes death, and go beyond the conventional discussion of the medicalization of childbirth by re-contextualizing childbirth within our daily life rather than by decontextualizing it.

The purpose of this paper is to interpret Peter L. Berger’s thought in the 1980s, especially his argument for capitalism in relation to neoconservatism. It is generally considered that Berger was initially sympathetic to neoconservatism in the 1970s and ’80s before gradually moving away from these views in the ’90s. However, this paper argues that the factors which eventually led to this breakdown in relations already existed in the 1980s. In order to demonstrate this, the present paper contrasts Berger’s argument for capitalism with the corresponding argument of Michael Novak, who was not only a neoconservative but also one of Berger’s dialogue partners during this period. Berger developed his argument out of concern for the development of the Third World. He dealt with this theme in the ’70s, gradually coming to perceive the affinity of his view of society with capitalism. Novak sought a religious justification for capitalism in the ’70s and ’80s, when attacks on capitalism and American society were intensifying. He borrowed key ideas from the “Protestant ethic” thesis of Max Weber. He emphasized that capitalism was infused with the spirit of the Judeo-Christian tradition. In addition, he maintained that capitalism would necessarily connect with democracy and that, in bringing about pluralism, capitalism also resonated with the spirit of the Judeo-Christian tradition.Although Berger’s argument has a lot in common with that of Novak, there are at least four important and illuminating differences. These are the extent of the interrelation between capitalism and democracy, the possibility of a religious justification for capitalism, the authors’ interpretation of the “Protestant ethic” thesis proposed by Weber, and their views of American society. Generally speaking, while Berger undoubtedly supports capitalism, he maintains a certain distance from Novak’s particularly religious argument in support of it.

The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate that “a diagnosis of the times” holds a peculiar positional value in sociological research. In other words, it occupies a unique position as a research genre in sociology by theoretically sorting out the basic composition, functions and features of a sociological theory of diagnostic study, as represented by U. Beck’s theory, for example. Hence, this paper focuses first on the pioneering conception of the original sociological diagnosis of the times, which was formulated by K. Mannheim, and then reexamines his conception critically. In so doing, we can clarify the concept of “the times” or “society,” and can also theoretically redefine the concepts of “diagnosis” and “prescription.” Second, referring to a series of recent discussions on the diagnosis of the times approach, this article examines the specific functions and characteristics associated with its use as a sociological theory. This paper shows that the concepts of “the times” and “society” imply definitions of a comprehensive situation accepted by people at any given point in time.Based on the specific social situation at any given time, a diagnostic approach can then be used to analyze these definitions of the situation and criticize any inadequate definitions and their interpretative schemes. It also prescribes an adequate definition of the situation and its interpretative scheme. This is the basic composition of a diagnosis of the times approach, as demonstrated by this article. According to these diagnoses and prescriptions, a diagnosis of the times fulfills three functions: deictic, paradigm-reforming, and public-sphere and intradisciplinary communication functions. Since these functions are different from the functions of ordinary social description and social theory, but are essential to sociological research, it can be asserted that a diagnosis of the times possesses an inherent positional value in sociological research.

This paper attempts to describe the re-establishment of communality pertaining to festivals in contemporary Japan, a country that is facing a declining birth rate and an aging population, and analyzes how order can be imposed in mikoshi parades that are attended by outsiders. Previous research initiatives have made use of the following two perspectives: the theory of social integration and the theory of consummatory action. The theory of social integration argues that festivals are activities that reflect the social integration of all participants, regardless of whether they are residents of an area or outsiders. The theory of consummatory action argues that festivals are actions of enjoyment for individual participants, in which the residents and the outsiders who engage in such festivals are never truly integrated. This paper asserts that mikoshi parades in the Tokyo metropolitan area reflect value struggles between members of residential associations and outsiders in the form of mikoshi clubs - mikoshi aficionado groups who carry the mikoshi during festivals and events several times a year. Using this perspective, participant observations and unstructured interviews were conducted with members of an anonymous mikoshi club and members of residential associations.How is the establishment of communal order possible in such circumstances in contemporary Japan? The answer lies in the formation of a tripartite relationship between the residential associations, mikoshi clubs willing to help residential associations, and mikoshi clubs that do not want to cooperate. In such a relationship, residential associations can accord cooperative mikoshi clubs certain privileges. Thus, the cooperative mikoshi clubs are then incentivized to try to manage the non-cooperative mikoshi clubs and a sense of community is created in mikoshi parades. This paper concludes that the forging of such synergetic relationships with regard to mikoshi parades effectively equates to the re-formation of integration through the superficial alignment of the interests of outsider participants with those of the members of residential associations.

” This article asked “What are the typical characteristics of relationships formed between elementary school boys living in child care facilities?” and, based on observational data regarding their participation in daily life, examined the sociology of friendships in particular, the difference between mate/friendship relationships. The results highlighted three key points. The first was that the relationships of children living in child care facilities were very diverse. Therefore, while together in the facility, children were rarely isolated and, considering the amount of time spent together and their mutual activities, the children developed closer relationships than those formed at school. Second, in the light of friendship theory and when examined from the viewpoint of spontaneity and context-independent relationships, relationships within the facility were closer to mate relationships and school friends were closer to friendship relationships. Even in relationships developed between the same children, the same general principles applied and characteristics regarding friends and mate relationships were qualitatively different. Third, there were cases where it was difficult for children living in the facility to form positive friendship relationships at school. Specifically, there can be structural problems present such as intervention by others in the facility, conflicts with rules within the facility, staff considerations, and the fact that the children may not always know their way around the facility.Based on the above observations, this article shows that while “diverse mates are formed in a facility, certain features are present that limit the formation of friends at school.”

The purpose of this article is to identify common attitudes in contemporary society, with a specific focus on essentialism. This article aims to clarify issues surrounding exclusion and rank structure by reconsidering the characteristics of some recent social phenomena (e.g., NEET, hikikomori, school caste, mounting, and online flaming). Since the beginning of the 21st century, the process of exclusion and ranking, particularly in small-group situations, has taken off at an accelerated rate as a result of increasing internet use. It is now possible to analyze the effects of exclusion and the superiority–inferiority rhetoric used even on the smallest scales. We feel that the research approach adopted should not focus on exclusion and rank consciousness, based on the preconception that they are effects of immoral (“devillike”) and unique behaviors. Instead, we consider that the focus should be on how such behaviors are adopted and experienced by individuals, both consciously and unconsciously. First, we focus on the essential principle-like and excluding nature of identity concerning the theme as “To work” above all. Next, we examine identities formed through consumer culture and the pattern of rank consciousness within consumer culture. Third, we analyze the process of “devilization” in which individuals and groups with different frames of reference categorize other groups of people as inferior. We also describe a strategy that is increasingly common today, namely using both the social and moral context in ways which result in the maximization of narcissism.Finally, we examine how an expression of natural scorn and aggression known as “mounting” has arisen as a consequence of essentialization and devilization.