Within the field of physical education in Japan, dance has long been considered a subject for female students, in the same way that martial arts have been considered for male students. As a consequence, traditionally there has been an overwhelmingly high chance that dance classes are taught by female teachers. In 2012, however, dance became a compulsory subject in physical education for all junior high school students, and therefore more support is needed to avoid bias against male dance teachers. To achieve this, the fundamental awareness of dance among male teachers needs to be comprehensively investigated as a first step. With a primary goal of determining the future direction of education for male dance teachers, this study ascertained the perceptions of dance and dance instruction, in particular the difficulties associated with teaching dance, among male junior high school teachers who had teaching dance experience. Thirteen concepts relating to four categories were extracted from the interview data: dance images, roles expected of dance teachers, roles expected of physical education teachers, and difficulties associated with dance education. This study focused on the latter category, difficulties associated with dance education. The first extracted concept, “role conflict”, reflected the contradiction between the role expected of physical education teachers and that expected of dance teachers (i.e., regulation versus liberation), indicating that this is a problem related to teachers’ dance instruction. The second concept, “confusion about being goal-free”, arose from the opposing characteristics of having goal-free expression in dance and rule-based physical education skills. The third concept, “anxiety about dance skills”, reflected the fact that physical education teachers are expected to demonstrate exceptional physical skills. Therefore, the passiveness of male teachers toward dance cannot be easily or simply explained by the feminine images connected to dance, as having been pointed out in the precedent studies.

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A history of women’s sports explored through certain linear explanation disregards the context of the various routes for developing and explaining the process of the emancipation and produces many historical inconsistencies. In order to dissolve such contradictions in a synthesis, this paper shed a light on the plural channels towards the liberation, the transnational coincidence and the ramified genderbiased spaces for women’s sports in Britain. In particular, the recent studies attempted by researchers such as Jennifer Hargreaves and Jean Williams can be summarized as follows: the physical exercises of girls and women in Britain partly during the 1890s varied with social class, education and early work experiences. These varied activities may be gathered into the following five principal types: ‘Games played in the gardens of middle-class homes’, ‘Organized games played in the middle-class schools at game clubs and lunchtime’, ‘Games played by young adults at working-class factory clubs after World War I when munitions-factory clubs for women were at an increased value’, ‘Genderbiased exclusive sports’, ‘Physical education at schools in which callisthenics, Swedish exercises and musical gymnastics were taught with regular physical examinations’. What E.P. Hughes who was the first principal of the Cambridge Training College (C.T.C.), introduced to Japan during her stay in the period of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance were those physical activities identical to the second and the last categories. It is worth considering the process of introducing them to Japanese society as both their transmission and reception were sensitive to the prevalent ideologies in Britain and Japan in the period between the Sino-Japanese War and the Russo-Japanese War. It reflects the aspect of inventing a tradition of both Japanese women’s and men’s ideal that was originally influenced by the values of the British middle class and the fact that early feminism was trapped within imperialistic ideology.

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This paper provides an overview of women and sport in France in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries incorporating an outline of the historical changes in women’s participation in sport and physical culture and discussing the methodological approach to the study of female sport history. Referring to an introductory survey by a British historian, Richard Holt, women’s participation in sports in modern France can be summarized as follows: Cycling rapidly became popular among women around the turn of the century, despite the opposition of men who expected women to adhere to the social norms of traditional femininity and the controversy about proper dress and the effect of the bicycle on the female reproductive system. Gymnastics and athletics for women developed particularly during the 1910s linked to the concern of nationalists. Women formed independent female sports clubs and organizations, which led to the growth of women’s participation in various forms of sport between the wars. Tennis developed as a leisure activity for male and female of bourgeois class linked with sociability. French female tennis star, Suzanne Lenglen became the leading woman player who embodied the possibilities of competitive sport for women. She was featured in a popular Japanese girls’ magazine in 1929 as a female student role model who practiced sports from a moral point of view. As a way to approach the future study of female sport history, it is important to placemultifaceted focus on representations, medical/scientific discourse and nationalist ideology appearing in various primary sources in relation to women’s participation in the development of modern sport and to find certain similarities or common characteristics in the social and gender relations within sport in different areas and across national boundaries.

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‘A sport event’ is an expression which embraces a sport meeting and surrounding social phenomenon. A sport event here is confined as a mega sport event in contemporary capitalist society. Researches are required to clarify the merits and the demerits of the mega sport events. In the first half of this manuscript, “the social history and sport event” will be discussed. A primitive society was “the birth age of sports”, because sports were born as training for hunting. Sports were equally enjoyed by all people of the society. Then, the ancient slavery age, especially ancient Greece, emerged. As typically seen to ancient Olympics, the age was “a birth age of sport events”. feudalism society was dominated by religions. Since religions had a common belief that “Spirit dominates over body”, three body demands, exercise, sex and appetite, were very important subjects of religious training. Therefore, sport events disappeared from the medieval times of Europe. However, capitalist society required new movement cultures, such as sports (Britain), gymnastics (Sweden, Germany) and martial art (Japan) etc. And sport events were re-born in capitalist society. In the second half of this manuscript, “capitalism and sport events” will be discussed. Especially, the Olympics as a representative of mega sport events will be analyzed from the financial viewpoint and historically. The Olympics developed its gigantism and authority from the 1970s, with combining the global strategy of multinational corporations and the infrastructure building of Olympics host cities. The maladies (the sacrifice of the social welfare, environmental destruction etc.) became very severe. IOC and the Olympics have been pressured to make a sustainable mega sport event.

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To think about the “equity and justice” in the context of sports mega-event, in which power structures overlap and diverse political interests collide, requires complicated and vigorous theoretical and ethical discussions. It is inadequate to consider the issue of equity and justice based on one identity category, such as gender or sexuality, separated from other overriding identities and issues, such as the athletes’ nationality, race, ethnicity, socio-economic status and ability, sponsor’s and host city’s interests, the politics within sports organizations, the impact on the host city’s local communities, environmental destruction and so on. Therefore, it is, crucial to continue the critical engagement with the complicated matrix of power and politics of sports mega-events and to maintain the focus on the experiences of those who are oppressed and marginalized by the sports mega-event in order to take a step towards equity and justice in sport. In this paper, I utilize queer and post-colonial theories to examine the multifaceted power structures and the politics, and the issues oppression and exclusion that are often made invisible in sports mega-events.

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The topic of equality and fairness in sports rules can be debated from a variety of perspectives. Accordingly, this research seeks to analyze the various theories regarding separate events for men and women discussed by sports philosophers and sports ethicists and proposes the use of a handicapping method. Based on the analysis of theories, it can be concluded that separate events for men and women is currently accepted by sports philosophers and sports ethicists. If a system that could provide both equality of opportunity and equality of results in sports were created, competitors who put in the greatest effort or who were lucky would likely win. The method of achieving this is handicapping or sports standardization. Paul Weiss, a sports philosopher, explains the effects as follows: “Handicaps are imposed so that even if weight, sex, or experience are different, a better competitor can compete equally against a weaker competitor. This imposes a restriction on the better competitor so that he/she is at the same level as others while allowing better conditions or a higher score for the weaker competitor, providing an opportunity to beat a superior athlete on equal terms.” Weiss indicates that the intention of sports standardization is not to encourage participation in sports by more people by making it possible for anyone to win, but rather to provide opportunities for each individual to learn what they can achieve by overcoming limitations such as weight, sex, and experience. Handicapped sports recognize differences in birth, sex, background, competitive ability, values, and so on without eliminating the reasons for the individual differences and create a place for competition. When individuals recognize one another, society as a whole become stronger. The elimination of gender from sports that use handicaps has particular significance in disseminating the strengthening of society itself from the world of sports.

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