Since 1990's, decreasing voting rate and increasing Independents, “New Independents” or “Contingent Voters” has been appeared in Japan. On the premise that revision of “the Public Officers Election Act” has been permitted to use Internet in election campaign in 2013, I analyzed information behavior differences in political attitude on exploratory.

I divided political attitude into four category. Independent and low political interest called “traditional independents,” Independent and high political interest called “new independents,” “only single party affirmative,” and “multiple party affirmative.” I analyzed how media usage differ in ordinary period and election period by four political attitudes. As result, “new independents” were less Internet use than others, and “multiple party affirmative” were more newspaper use and more Internet use than others. Thus “multiple party affirmative” were most adaptive by Internet election campaign. And “new independents” used media passively, and “multiple party affirmative” used media aggressively.

Social media use by political parties and candidates during election campaign had long been prohibited in Japan. However, the rule changed in 2013 and now they can utilize social media such as twitter or Facebook for their election activities. In addition, the first "General Election" introducing new rule were conducted in December 2014.

On the other hand, since most of all Japanese people had not experienced online political campaigning there are not established methods to evaluate effective social media use. Though newspaper companies conducted content analysis of twitter use by political candidates, it seems that the conclusion is unreliable.

In this research, we focus on usage tendencies of twitter by each political party and try to clarify differences of them. The result indicates that usage tendencies of social media are greatly different among political parties. Furthermore, twitter analysis conducted by news paper companies didn't consider the differences at all.

By observing the 2014 U.S. midterm election campaigns, this paper will consider the impact of social media on political parties, the new professionalization of campaigns, and campaign finance reform. It will first address political parties' use of social media in the election campaign. Second, it will discuss which new trends in the professionalization of campaigns have been instigated by new media. Third, it will examine the role of super PACs and 501 (c) (4) organizations in the current campaign finance regulatory regime. These questions will be tackled in this paper based on interviews with those who played a firsthand role in the campaigns, newspapers, professional journals, and official documents, including political parties' websites. In conclusion, it will reveal three significant contextual factors to consider in the polarized social media environment of American election campaigns. One is that political parties use social media to advertise their campaigns to voters, while they still prefer to use e-mails as a fundraising source. Another is how the changing media environments affect media consultants and other types of political consultants. The more digital technology advances, the more the circumstance of political consultants changes. The other factor is that super PACs play an important role in providing plentiful campaign finance for candidates, although there are regulations banning coordination with individual candidates' campaigns under the current regulatory system. Thus, in the American election system and fundraising mechanism, will American political parties really have more presence in the election campaigns by using digital media? To further research on this topic, this question needs to be considered in depth.

Post Fukushima Daiichi nuclear disaster in 2011, the issue which social awareness and public opinion in favor of nuclear energy was built through the media came up to the surface. This paper takes notice of the 1950's and the 1960's in which public opinion toward nuclear energy began to shape and analyzes how nuclear power was represented in PR Films as public information media of governmental agencies and power companies. Moreover, this paper focuses on the viewpoint of ordering party and order-receiving party as social contexts in PR Films. This study demonstrates three factors correlating with social issues through PR Films from the 1950's to the 1960's: ‘Atoms for Peace', ‘Technology', and ‘Modernization'. However, PR Films also had significance as a ‘document', which was created by order-receiving producers' concerns differing from the aim of nuclear power promotion. In conclusion, clarifying the relationship between PR Films and nuclear energy from the perspective of the social context will be the first step to revaluate PR Films as cultural heritage and elucidate the process of forming consciousness toward nuclear energy.