The impact of selective logging on a natural teak-bearing forest was examined in the Kabaung Reserve Forest, Bago Division, Myanmar. The examined forest was under selective logging from 2001 to 2002. In the area, a bamboo, Cephalostachyum pergracile, flowered in 2002 and then died back in 2003. Thirty-seven circular plots of 20 m radius (4.65 ha in total) were set in the forest and 837 tree stems (DBH ≥ 10 cm) and 1809 bamboo clumps were enumerated in the plots. The average basal area density was 30.2 m² ha^-1, and bamboo accounted for 33% of the basal area. Trees with a DBH ≥ 10 cm and 60 cm were 180 ha^-1 and 10.1 ha^-1, respectively. The 37 plots were classified into four stand types, Tectona grandis type, Xylia xylocarpa type, Bambusa polymorpha type, and Dipterocarpus alatus type. The felling operation was conducted only in 10 of the 37 plots sampled and 11.7% of the basal area of trees over 10 cm DBH was removed during the logging. The percentage of extracted basal area (%-extracted) varied from 6.9 to 51.0% among the 10 plots. The highest %-extracted was recorded in D. alatus stands (38.7-51.0%), while the %-extracted in the other stand types was rather smaller (6.9-36.5%). As a result, the impact of harvesting was minimal except in the case of D. alatus stands. Teak was most abundant in the sapling layer (427 ha^-1). The combination of the logging operation and bamboo dieback enabled the sapling bank to accelerate height growth and to enter the pole size class, while logging or bamboo dieback alone had no significant effect. In the bamboo dieback sites with the logging operation, 84-96% of tree saplings overtopped bamboo seedlings, but the value decreased to between 53 and 56% in non-logged stands. The combination of logging operations and bamboo flowering thus had remarkable effects on the sapling banks of tree species and enhanced recruitment of pole-size trees.

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Forests in Myanmar have a long history of teak (Tectona grandis Linn.) production, which can be traced back to the age of the English rule in the 19th century, when forests in Myanmar were categorized into those for timber production and those for other uses. Many farmers such as the Karen people, who were swidden cultivators, inhabited the forests. Therefore, the government established the “Karen Area” in the late 19th century, permitting swidden cultivation (shifting cultivation) for their self consumption. Short cultivation, long fallow swidden cultivation has been continued for over 100 years in the areas. We surveyed fallow vegetation and total carbon and nitrogen after swidden cultivation by Karen people in the Bago mountain range and compared with those in natural teak forests under selective logging systems. We set 9 circular plots 20 m in radius at fallow stands of various ages. Trees were identified and measured by diameter at breast height (DBH). Surface soil was sampled at 0–5cm.
 The amounts of total carbon and nitrogen in soils varied among the plots, but no stand age dependency was observed. Grass and herb species such as Chromolaena odoratum and Thysanolaena maxima were dominant and comprised the maximum biomass in 1- and 2-year fallows. Bamboo species such as Bambusa polymorpha and Bambusa tulda rapidly recovered after grass and herb species, and the bamboo biomass in the 5-year fallow was nearly equivalent to that in over-40-years fallows. Tree species recovered to nearly the same biomass level as that of bamboos in the 10-year fallow, and further facilitated the increase in the above-ground biomass. Xylia xylocarpa was the most common tree species while species such as T. grandis might be excluded from the fallow vegetation cycle. On the whole, swidden cultivation with a short cultivation period of 1 year and over 12-year fallows maintained sufficient fallow vegetation recovery to sustain continuous swidden cultivation in the Bago mountain range.

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We conducted a field survey in S village, in a Karen Area of the Bago Mountains of Myanmar. Through GPS mapping, interviews, and observation, we examined the present state of shifting cultivation in this area by focusing on the vegetation in fallow lands and fallow period lengths. In 2002, 59 households (HHs) opened 60 plots for shifting cultivation. The village itself covered an area of 4973.94ha (A). The 60 plots covered 161.46 ha (B1), corresponding to an average plot size of 2.69 ha. In 2003, 62 HHs opened 66 plots for shifting cultivation, with an aggregate area of 141.15 ha (B2) and an average plot size of 2.17 ha. In 2004, 74 HHs opened 75 plots for shifting cultivation, with an aggregate area of 179.91 ha (B3) and an average plot size of 2.40 ha. In 2005, 63 HHs opened 73 plots for shifting cultivation, with an aggregate area of 196.88 ha (B4) and an average plot size of 2.70 ha. In 2006, 54 HHs opened 56 plots for shifting cultivation, with an aggregate area of 96.06 ha (B5) and an average plot size of 1.72 ha. Based on these figures, the potential maximum numbers of fallow years were 30.8(A/B1) for 2002, 35.3 (A/B2) for 2003, 27.8 (A/B3) for 2004, 23.7 (A/B4) for 2005, and 50.9 (A/B5) for 2006. During the first fallow year, the land was covered with Chromolaena odoratum, which was replaced by bamboo (Bambusa polymorpha and Bambusa tulda) over several years. After 12 years, tree species such as Xylia xylocarpa gradually dominated the fallow lands. Despite the potential length of fallow periods, the actual fallow periods were only 17.9 years in 2002, 15.1 years in 2003, 12.8 years in 2004, 13.0 years in 2005, and 11.9 years in 2006. This difference may have occurred because lands left fallow for 12 to 18 years become covered with trees and bamboo. These can be easily cleared and provide good burning material for shifting cultivation.

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In the Karen area of Myanmar, where the Karen have practiced traditional shifting cultivation since colonial times, we tried to reconstruct a land use history of their shifting cultivation practices using a combination of field observations, global positioning system (GPS) mapping, and interviews conducted during 2002-2006, as well as analyses of JERS and LANDSAT satellite images taken in 1989-2001. The vegetation recovery process during the fallow period was also analyzed using a supervised classification of high-resolution Quickbird satellite images taken in 2005. The satellite image analysis suggested that 65-75% of the shifting cultivation fields could be extracted from JERS images taken between November and January by using the normalized difference vegetation index (NDVI) as an indicator. The overlap of shifting cultivation fields from 1989 to 2006 showed that the fallow period of most shifting cultivation in this area exceeded 9-12 years. According to the vegetation recovery analysis, most fallow land was covered with bamboo within 5 years after the harvest, and that fallow land was reopened when a few tree species started to grow in the bamboo-dominated forests. Vegetation analysis showed that around 90% of the shifting cultivation fields were opened by slashing and burning bamboo-dominated forests in 2006, although more tree-dominated forests with a longer fallow period could have been opened. These results showed that the recovery of bamboo-dominated forests is a key factor in maintaining the practice of shifting cultivation in this area.

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During the period of British administration, certain areas in the Bago mountains were designated as Karen Reserve Forest. Today, the same area is still reserved for Sgaw Karen farmers who cultivate swidden fields. This paper starts by briefly examining the historical continuity of forest administration of this region from colonial times to the present, including the period of post-independence internal conflict which deeply affected the area. The purpose is to elucidate the peculiar position of the village in the country's administrative system. Then, the article pursues two objectives. The first is to present an ethnography of swidden farming, following the annual cycle of cultivation and exchange of labor involved, paying attention to the mutual relationships within the unit of production which is here designated as “the house,” a notably independent socioeconomic unit. On this basis, the paper then examines how, in this village which has experienced half a century of mobility, relocation, and settlement, “the house” has become a nexus of networks of relationships, both geographically over a wide area and historically through time and generations. Drawing upon some of the literature on “house societies,” especially in Southeast Asia, it concludes that the continuing independence of the house in the Bago Karen village facilitates mobility while maintaining the horizontal ties which provide the necessary network for security, as well as the vertical ties which provide a locus of identity.

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In this paper, I focus on the grass plant group Job’s tears (Coix) to discuss people-plant interaction on the periphery of Myanmar. The field observations and interviews indicate that the wild and cultivated plants of Job’s tears are recognized as a resource providing food, medicine, and seed beads. Ethnic groups belonging to different linguistic categories share a common culture of using the Job’s tears plant. In particular, the seed beads have played a unique role in their material culture; they are used as toys and tools for rituals and ceremonies, as well as for body decoration in beautiful and striking combinations.
 In recent years, however, the use of the seed beads has changed considerably. The entire process is now carried out by different seed collectors, product makers, and product users as seed bead products have entered the trade as souvenir handicrafts for tourists. Non-minority apparel makers have also started to produce new seed bead products for local sale using seeds obtained from ethnic minorities. In conclusion, the seed beads of the Job’s tears plants can serve as an indicator of socioeconomic change and human relations in a multiethnic society on the periphery of Myanmar.

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Numerous swiddens and rice terraces are scattered here and there in the mountainous area of northwestern Myanmar (Burma) known as the Chin Hills. This article discusses the natural and social circumstances which sustain village livelihoods and economic strata in a village where swidden and rice terrace farmers live, based on a case study in Hakha Township, Chin State.
 Traditional swiddens, where villagers cultivate maize and foxtail millet as the staple food, have become scarce under population pressure. As a result, the fallow period has shortened and per capita arable area has lessened. Meanwhile, the preference for rice has grown so strong that villagers have been developing rice terraces since the 1950s. However, village rice production is still not enough to feed all villagers. Some influential households can supply their own needs but others cannot. While the latter have to earn money if they do not want to resort to eating maize or millet, all have to increase their cash income for housing, clothing, medicine, electricity, education, etc. As a result, households diversify their occupations to include trading, collecting forest products, road construction, work abroad, etc. Actually, no village livelihood can be sustained without non- and/or off-farm earnings, and it is these incomes that determine the socio-economic strata within the village. Even people in deep mountain areas cannot live on agricultural and silvical products alone.
 In this study, socio-economic strata or layers are very important. While these economic layers were categorized after the survey on the basis of factors such as consumption, income, and land tenure, I asked villagers to divide all households into four layers according to their own criteria before conducting the in-depth study. Then I collected compressive socio-economic data in the village under survey, interviewing the villagers myself in Myanmar (Burmese). In processing the data, I tested whether the differences between the villager-categorized layers were significant or not by analysis of variance. However, because of the way the categorization was done, we cannot utilize parametric methods, such as one-way layout ANOVA. Hence, I employed a nonparametric method, the Kruskal-Wallis test.

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This paper focuses on changes that have occurred on the religious land (thathana mye) of Thamanya, which is named after the charismatic monk Thamanya (Taung) Hsayadaw and is inhabited by his followers. Thathana mye, which literally translates as “land used only for religious purposes,” is distinct from land generally inhabited by laypersons, such as villages and towns. However, Thamanya Hsayadaw permitted laypersons who followed his teachings to migrate to this land; eventually, the population grew to 25,000 and the land assumed the characteristics of a town. The land was rendered vulnerable due to its location near the area that served as the battleground of the civil war between the Karen National Union and the Burmese army. However, with his charismatic power and superior management skills, Thamanya Hsayadaw was able to protect the land from potential destruction. Further, he initiated and helmed many civic ventures, including somewhat secular projects like the erection of pagodas, the construction of roads and bridges, and the promotion of education. This is reminiscent of the “development monk” concept observed in Thailand and Sri Lanka. As mentioned elsewhere, entrepreneurship in such areas has accelerated as a result of complementary relationships between three agencies: monks, pilgrims, and residents of the area.
 However, since Thamanya Hsayadaw's demise in late 2003, this religious land has undergone changes. First, the number of pilgrims has been decreasing; this implies a decrease in the income of both monks and residents. Second, the area was officially registered as a “village” (kyeywa) by the Township Peace and Development Council (TPDC). This means it was gradually integrated into the governmental system under the direction of the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC).In this paper, I examine the changes that have taken place on this land, approaching the analysis from two perspectives: (1) changes in its administrative features during the process of integration into the governmental system(2) household strategies of each residents.

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Until April 1959, when the Tai (Burmese: Shan) chiefs relinquished their hereditary rights, these chiefs, called saopha or sawbwa in Burmese, administered the principalities which made up the Shan State of Burma (Myanmar). One major Tai principality, North Hsenwi, was created by the British colonial administration in March 1888 through the splitting of Hsenwi state, which had a long and lengendary history. Khun Sang Tun Hung, sawbwa of the newly created North Hsenwi, was a usurper of humble origin who established a firm basis for the power of his family which expanded by plural marriages. The present research project explored various aspects of North Hsenwi under the rule of the Khun Sang Tun Hung family through interviews with local people and people related to the sawbwa family. The following findings are set out in this paper. Sawbwa Sao Hom Hpa (1901-63), who succeeded in 1925, was a familiar figure for local people who rendered service to the sawbwa in many ways. The Kachin people were no exception; in fact, some Kachin were his most loyal and close attendents. The Buddhist element introduced by Khun Sang Tun Hung was distinguishably Yuan, which originated in today's northern Thailand, and in certain monasteries in today's Hsenwi, the Yuan Buddhist practice of chanting and writing are still adhered to. The last point attests to the hitherto neglected trans-Salween traffic. It suggests that further research into the history of Hsenwi should be undertaken within a broader trans-national perspective.

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Geriatric medicine has addressed not only the diseases but also the activities of daily living (ADL) and quality of life (QOL) of elderly people. Recent research into the QOL of the elderly has focused on the “spiritual” dimension in addition to the physical, mental, economic, and social aspects of QOL. We have been deeply impressed with the importance of the spiritual dimension in a recent international comparative study of QOL among elderly residents of nursing homes for the aged poor in Myanmar (Burma) and Japan. The study population consisted of 140 residents in a Buddhist nursing home (Buddhist Home) for the aged poor (M:F=58:82, mean age: 80.5 years) and 160 residents in a Catholic nursing home (Catholic Home) for the aged poor (M:F=63:97, mean age: 80.6 years) in Yangon (at the time the capital of Myanmar), compared with 283 residents in a nursing home for the aged poor in Osaka in Japan (M:F=152:131, mean age: 77.8 years).
 We interviewed and examined each elderly resident for depression and Quality of Life (QOL) as well as ADLs. The Geriatric Depression Scale-15 (GDS-15) was used for the depression screening. Five quantitative QOL indicators were assessed using a 100 mm visual analogue scale: subjective sense of health, relationship with family, relationship with friends, financial satisfaction, and subjective happiness.
 We compared the GDS-15 scores, prevalence of depression using a cutoff-point 5/6 or 9/10, and quantitative QOL scores (0-100) of the residents in the three homes. The GDS-15 scores and prevalence of depression were highest among residents in the nursing home in Japan and lowest among residents in the Buddhist Home. Each QOL score, with the exception of financial satisfaction, was highest among residents in the Buddhist Home, followed by those in the Catholic Home in Myanmar; they were lowest among residents in the home in Japan.
 Myanmar is one of the economically poorest countries in Southeast Asia, but is known to have many pious people, most of whom believe in Buddhism and some of whom believe in Christianity or Islam. In contrast, Japan is one of the economically richest countries in the world, but few Japanese believe deeply in any particular religion. Spiritual practices, such as meditation among Buddhists and prayer among Catholics in Myanmar, and religious solidarity between residents and care-givers might contribute to improving QOL of elderly poor residents, compared with less religious poor elderly residents in Japan.

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