Thailand is experiencing demographic changes owing to an increase in its older population. In this study we focus on the northeastern part of Thailand, where community ties are strong, to elucidate the relationship between caregivers and care recipients in the provision and reception of effective support. The aim of this study is to clarify the sharing of care among relatives and communities, and to describe their burden focusing on both negative and positive aspects, through semi-structured interviews in order to establish an innovative and cultural approach to alleviating the burden.

Qualitative interviews were conducted with 16 primary caregivers in October 2018. The Grounded Theory Approach (GTA) was employed to stratify their narrative related to caregiving. The family caregiver burden consists of four parts: psychological burden, physical burden, time constraint, and economic burden. The process of determining the caregiving burden takes into account not only the nature of the long-term care provided, but also the three mediator factors of sense of mission as a family, the benefit of providing care, and the Buddhist faith. In addition, the moderator factor of sharing care among family members and relatives alleviates the caregiver burden.

Based on the study results, it was concluded that positive feelings toward care provision lead to motivation to continue quality care. Therefore, in long-term care support policy, it is necessary not only to reduce the burden of long-term care but also to take into consideration Thai culture and Buddhist beliefs, and to find support that makes nursing care worthwhile and meaningful.

In the 2010s, the agricultural labor force in Myanmar continued to decline due to increasing employment opportunities in the urban and non-agricultural sectors along with the economic growth. The labor shortage became especially apparent in rice harvesting. The demand for labor-saving harvesting led to a rapid increase in the use of combine harvesters. This paper examines the rapid shift in rice harvesting since the mid-2010s, from employing agricultural laborers to using combine harvesters, based on a survey conducted in rice farming villages in the suburbs of Yangon. Only a few farmers own the expensive combine harvesters, and most farmers outsource harvesting operations to combine contracting services. This study found that the existence of agencies that coordinate the work of farmers in the village and negotiate with the contractors has led to the mechanization of harvesting, regardless of the farm’s acreage, at a relatively low contract fee. The labor-saving effect of combine harvesters is enormous, and thus the labor shortage during the harvest season has been alleviated. Mechanization of harvesting has significantly reduced employment opportunities for agricultural workers. As a result, agricultural laborers are now being employed to harvest low-productivity fields that do not cover the mechanization costs. The study also revealed that contractors who maximize the operating area and utilization rate of combine harvesters by traveling over a large area with different harvest seasons can earn higher profits than farmers who own combine harvesters and contract the operation nearby.

This paper examines the process of molding the official history of the Panglong Conference, which was held in February 1947 in Myanmar. According to the history shaped by the Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP), the Burmese nationalist leader Aung San and minorities’ representatives agreed to establish the union state. Hence, “Panglong” is interpreted as the symbol of national solidarity today. While the BSPP used the above history to appeal its legitimacy, it viewed the military as a guardian of the multiracial country. The “national solidarity” image of the Panglong Conference was reinforced under restricted freedom of speech. During the critical moment of the 8888 uprising, the Committee for the Compilation of Authentic Facts of Myanmar History again edited the history of the Panglong Conference. To make the history more inclusive and to base it on the “national solidarity” image, the committee used the narratives of various people who joined in the event. Htun Myint was one of the activists who founded the Shan State Freedom League, and he referred to the Panglong Conference as a means of requesting minorities’ rights after Independence. However, the committee hid Htun Myint’s political views and accepted only those parts of his narrative that supported their position.