The purpose of this paper is to clarify the spatial change of Fuji city after its administrative merger with special reference to city planning. The study area, Fuji city in Shizuoka prefecture, was incorporated in 1966 by the merger of Yoshiwara and old Fuji, two neighboring cities nearly the same scale, and Takaoka, a smaller town. In order to attain the above purpose, the author focuses the three following aspects. First, relationship between the merger and the city planning of new Fuji city was considered. Second, to examine the execution of city planning after the merger, overall land readjustment projects and location of main municipal facilities were considered, and the formation of new small urban core in Yodahara-shinden district was studied in detail. Third, analysis was also made to the expansion of DIDs and the land use of DIDs, which has expanded since 1970.
The results obtained are summarized as follows:
Yoshiwara city, old Fuji city and Takaoka town, each of which had its own central built-up area, merged on equal terms. The feud and conflict between Yoshiwara and old Fuji cities were an obstacle to the merger. As a result of the merger, however, the spatial structure of new Fuji city has become multiple-nuclei one. It was the most critical problem for the new local government to get rid of the feud and conflict which the residents in multiple-nuclei city had.
To renew the multiple-nuclei structure of new Fuji City to a better one, the local government planned to construct a new city center between Yoshiwara and Fuji central built-up areas, and started land readjustment projects in Yodahara-shinden and Fuji-chubu districts situated between the two central built-up areas. Local government also constructed many municipal facilities between them. These projects were expected to connect Yoshiwara and Fuji built-up areas. It is clear that the merger in equal terms had an influence on the city planning of new Fuji city. On the one hand, the local government had to redevelop existing built-up areas of Yoshiwara, Fuji and Takaoka. To keep a balance among the previous cities and town was a priority over everything.
DIDs of Yoshiwara, Fuji and Takaoka, have expanded to the suburbs centrifugally in accordance with the development of transportation, housing and industry in the outskirts of the city. In addition, DIDs of Yoshiwara and Fuji have been gradually merging. The city planning has brought about urbanization between Yoshiwara and Fuji built-up areas. Then the local planning authority started the infrastructure improvement around Shin-Fuji station of the Tokaido Shinkansen Line in 1988.
A lot of development projects, which were planned after the merger, have caused dispersal of built-up areas as well as public facilities. Thus the merger on equal terms has caused the dispersal of built-up areas and functions in the short term, and also has caused reduction of centrality of existing built-up areas.

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There is a noticeable difference between the modern city and the castle town of the Edo period with regard to their internal structure. The former, as a whole, has grown in a piecemeal and uncontrolled manner under a variety of influences. On the other hand, the latter was constructed under a planning for the display of feudal power and spatial relations among residents were arranged to maintain an appropriate hierarchical social structure. With this contrast in mind, the processes of urban growth of eleven cities originated from castle towns in Tôhoku District are presented as a comparative case study for the way in which the urban areas of original castle towns have been transformed into the modern counterparts. The following cities, which are put in order according to their population size in 1940 (in parentheses), have been selected; Sendai (220, 000), Morioka (79, 000), Hachinohe (73, 000), Yamagata (69, 000), Akita (60, 000), Hirosaki (51, 000), Yonezawa (48, 000), Fukushima (48, 000), Aizu-Wakamatsu (48, 000), Tsuruoka (35, 000), and Yokote (26, 000). The changes of land use pattern of each city from the Edo period until World War II have been reconstructed based on various historical maps and writings, most of which have already been published by the author.
Accompained with the collapse of the feudal system in 1868, castles were demolished without exception and the central quarter of traditional commercial districts became a new center of eleven cities. After the intermediate stage of Meiji, the areal structure of each city changed with significant differences among the cities, which were put into five groups.
I. The cities in which the traditional structure of the castle town as a whole remains almost intact. They comprise Yonezawa, Aizu-Wakamatsu, Tsuruoka and Yokote.
II. The cities in which the traditional structure has been modified a little according to the radial growth of shopping streets running outwards from the city center. The group contains Morioka, Hachinohe, Akita and Hirosaki.
III. The city in which the growth of the modern structure is in competition with the legacy of the traditional one. Sendai serves as the only illustrative case among the eleven cities. In this city, the continuous ring like zone characterized by different uses of houses, shops and workshops has expanded into the residential area of the former warrior class around the city center.
IV. The city in which the new zonal land use pattern has developed outside the traditional structure. Fukushima is the case in point. This development arose under the definite physical condition that the castle town of Fukushima was confined within a limited area.
V. The city in which city-planning had a particular impact upon the emergence of the modern structure. This is the case in Yamagata.
When we arrange Groups I, II and III of cities in order, the series seems to show the process through which the urban structure has been transformed in accordance with the expansion of the population size of cities.

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The purpose of this paper is to examine the location of residential houses and their environment for daily life. This study was conducted in the area surrounding the CBD of Vancouver, British Columbia, Canada. Following are some highlights of this research results.
First, We can see a clear separation between residential areas and commercial ones at the ground floor level. This distinction is provided by the urban zoning plan of local government.
Second, the environment is protected by the following factors: (1) Residential areas have special safety street systems (e. g. barrier or mini-park) for pedestrians. Through these measures, cars cannot go through the barriers, while on the other hand, it is very easy for pedestrians to pass through. (2) The residential areas have fine parks, and views of the beach and surrounding mountains. These environmental aspects are very valuable for residents who live in these areas. (3) There is good accessibility to a wide range of institutions for daily life (e. g. supermarkets, retail shops, restaurants and so on). All residents who live in the West End can reach these institutions within a ten minutes walk.

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