This paper investigates the systematic significance of Einbildungskraft (imagination) in Kant's Critique of the Power of Judgment, showing how the third Critique repositions imagination within the broader architecture of critical philosophy. First, I begin with Kant's claim in the Critique of Pure Reason that cognition consists of two “stems”—sensibility and understanding—“arising from a common yet unknowable root.” By examining Heidegger's reinterpretation of this thesis alongside Cassirer's contrasting account, I argue that the decisive task is not, as Heidegger proposes, to retrieve the hidden root of the faculties in imagination, but rather, as Cassirer emphasizes, to elucidate the functional interrelations among them.
　Second, I clarify the role imagination plays in the Critique of Pure Reason. By showing that sensibility and understanding are defined as two distinct “stems” while imagination performs the productive synthesis required for perception, I highlight the degree to which imagination remains ultimately subordinated to conceptual determination through the categories. It is precisely this subordination that the third Critique will revise.
　The analysis then examines Kant's reconceptualization of imagination in the third Critique, where the emphasis shifts from the earlier dichotomy of receptivity and spontaneity to the self-active operations of the faculties. Imagination is now treated, alongside understanding, as a self-active power and is primarily characterized as the faculty of apprehension in intuition. Although this corresponds to the synthesis of apprehension familiar from the first Critique, imagination is no longer immediately bound to the categories. In cognitive judgments it must still present concepts by providing them with sensible intuition; but in aesthetic judgment, no determinate concept is given in advance. Imagination therefore operates freely and without determinate rules, allowing its spontaneity to manifest in a manner impossible within the framework of cognition.
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　Wages of non-regular workers such as part-time workers, and workers with fixedterm contracts, have been much lower in Japan than regular full-time workers in long-term employment. A large difference in wage rates between regular and non-regular employees was mainly due to a basic difference that regular workers were hired for a long-term career within a firm through elaborate selection processes administered by the company headquarters, while non-regular workers are more casually recruited by its local management. Wages of regular workers are determined in accordance with their academic background and length of service, and their wages are upgraded with the progress of their long-term career within the company. On the other hand, wages of non-regular workers are determined by the basic standards existing in segmental local labor markets to which they belonged.
　Yet, since the end of the 1990s, there have been an increasing number of firms which utilized part-time workers for not only temporary and auxiliary jobs but also for more regular and significant ones. This trend was most typical in retail and other service industries where firms need to utilize women, by introducing merit-based promotion systems to stimulate their talent and dedication.
　Against such a background, there appeared a lower court decision in 1996 attempting to rectify large wage disparities between full-time (regular) workers and part-time workers with slightly shorter working times on the same production line, by judging that the latter group of workers were entitled to at least eighty percent of the wages of the full-time workers on the same production line. In so deciding, the court referred to a general social principle of equal pay for equal work, which was quite dubious to recognize as a legal rule existent in the labor law system of that time.
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　Today Shizuoka is one of the wealthiest prefectures in Japan. In the Meiji period her standing was unmistakably lower, implying that the prefecture achieved a comparatively high economic growth between the early Meiji and the present. This paper explores what happened in this province during the first half of that period.
　First, based on benchmark-year estimates of prefectural output, population and the labour force, made available by Hitotsubashi University's Institute of Economic Research, it is revealed that Shizuoka's performance of output growth between 1874 and 1940 was higher than the national average, and that it was associated with her industrialisation record: mining and manufacturing's share expanded from 8 to 34 per cent and their average labour productivity exhibited a ninefold increase over the 66-year period. Also worth noting is that the gap between agriculture and manufacturing did not widen so much as happened on the national level in the 192040 period, suggesting that her agriculture did rather well in the post-1920 years. Second, tabular analysis of output statistics shows that the leading industry was cotton weaving. Although the opening of the Treaty Ports to international trade in 1859 had a devastating impact on Shizuoka's cotton cultivation, its weaving branch survived the competition from imported cotton cloth. Soon this traditional textile trade started growing by expanding putting-out arrangements, and then transformed itself into a factory industry by introducing power looms and expanded its market from rural to urban districts, then to Asian countries. Its growth, moreover, interacted with a burgeoning machinery and equipment industry, who produced not just power looms but began to manufacture a wide range of products including wheeled vehicles and musical instruments. Substantial investment was also made in the prefecture's cotton spinning and paper making, two factory industries built on imported technologies from the West. But it was a synergy between the traditional weaving trade and the new-born machinery industry that acted as a driving force in the prefecture's manufacturing growth.
　To conclude, pre-war Shizuoka in her journey to industrialisation acquired a comparative advantage in the processing and assembly manufactures, not in materials industries. This advantage was lost in the late 1930s with the imperial government's drive for a war economy. However, post-war Shizuoka did return to the pre-1935 growth path after the prefectural government's proposed project of a large-scale petrochemical industrial complex was withdrawn amid residents' fierce protests.

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