I The Problem and the Point of View of Analysis In the Meiji era, Japan appeared on the stage of World Market as a young capitalistic nation. How was then the industrial structure of Japan characterized by the growth of silk-manufacturing industry - represented by silk-reeling industry that was ranked first in the export trade of Japan? We are to analyze this problem in relation to the cotton industry that prompted the formation of 'Local Market Areas' in Japan, looking back upon 'The Disputes on Manufacture'. II The Geographical Distribution and the Historical Character of Several Industries in Saitama Prefecture in the First Decade of the Meiji Era. Capitalistic development was dawning in the field of the cotton industry, but was yet to come in that of silk-manufacturing industry. The relation of the two industries shows the confrontation between the farming population's economy and the feudel-lords' economy. III The Structural Change of Market and the Crooked Structure of Industry By the middle of the Meiji era, the silk-manufacturing industry has developed to a high degree, while the cotton industry has been re-organized, being forced by the World Market. At the same time the Market Structure was also reorganized by it. This implies not merely that it ruined the independent 'National Economy' yet in its germ state, but also that 'The Semi-Feudal Structure of Japanese Capitalism' came to be situated in the system of international capitalism.

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In this paper, we attempt an analysis of statistics of 1864 on the foreign trade, the subjects of which are limited to four industrial branches, those are cotton, wool, iron and corn. Then we consider the effects of the foreign impacts on the market structure in course of time when Germeny accomplished her econoimc independence and the unification of the home market. Through this consideration we aim to give preliminaries to grasp the type of the German capitalism. The conclusions are summarized as follows: 1) Under the foreign impacts the textile industries were early organized into the export industries, depending upon the import of materials from abroad and the iron industry developed predominantly, meeting her own great demand of iron. 2) Regarding to the problem of the market, there were two different tendancies. Firstly, the absorption of local markets by Prussia, in other words, the 'extensive' expansion of the home market, was advanced on the base of the strong development of the Prussian iron industry. Secondly, the trade relations between South Germany and Austria were gradually intensified during the time when Germany was going to accomplish her economic independence through the expansion of her export market of textile and iron manufactures. 3) In these processes pig iron and yarn production suffered most severely from the foreign impacts, but both of them were fundamentally independent in the sixties. 4) Thus Germany had prospects of the establishment of the capitalism on the national scale in this period. But the unification of the home market under the Prussian hegemony was not yet completed with the inclination to detachment of South Germany. It is the end of the sixties in the 19th century when the Prussian hegemony was accomplihed with the political conclusion.

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It is long time since socialist economists took up the classical theses of socialist economists, - 'theory of commodity production' and the 'Law of value' which is fully realized through commodity production under the capitalist form of economy with the private ownership of all the means of production and the social division of labor, - criticized them very hard, denying the private ownership of all the means of production. The logic of transition to the socialist economy, the theory of establishing socialist economics and the 'process for the formation of socialist economies', involving the controversies on the essentials of socialist economy, are tantamount to the process of 'socialist economies', transforming itself from the qualitative consideration of commodity production and value theory to the mathematical evaluation of effective investment rate, and the index in the rate of profit. Seeing that the conditions requisite for the realization of the theory of socialist economics are getting increasingly fulfilled, we seem to be justified to reexamine the various categories of socialist economics of their possibilities and limitations in their application to the ecnomic problems today. In my previous work there were discussed the 'socialist economies' of the Soviet and that of Socialist China, and this essay is an attempt to see what conclusion we may derive from them, as related to the propositions below: (1) The abolition or the socialization of all the means of production including land; (2) The conditions centering around the individual and the social value judgement, in other words, the conditions for the thorough application of the 'principle of marginal theory of price'.

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