Max Weber's socio-historical studies on city contain, as well known, a typology of local civil community, based on methodic comparison between various cities in the world history, especially between the occidental and the oriental; the classical ancient and the medieval; the north-european and the south-european in the Middle Ages; etc. Weber attaches more importance to the local civil community as a political association ("Gemeinde") than the mere urbanized place. He builds some pairs of city-types, based on the aforesaid methodic comparison, and, putting in the centre of his schematic consideration the occidental, the medieval, the north-european, and the English city-types, composes a system of introversive-successively and multistratifiedly combined city-types. The composition which thus forcuses upon the medieval English type originates from his basic intention to make clear why only the occidental society could create a peculiar sort of the universal and exhaustive rationalization of all the cultural spheres in the world. Criteria which Weber sets up in framing these city-types are extremely complicated, but their principal parts are : the decay or relaxation of the primitive ethnic factor in the city community ("Vergesellschaftung"), the emancipation of economy in the city community from the religious-magic domination ("Entzauberung"), and the differentiation of economy in the city community from the power-politics. In measuring with these criteria, the non-occidental city stayed, generally, of so low standard that they did not constitute civil community, while the occidental one was more or less of higher : the medieval was higher than the classical ancient, and similarly in the Middle Ages the north-european than the south-european. And finally the English one was the highest, because it was, in spite of having extremely limited political autonomy, of highly economic-oriented character, concentrating their demands to the Parliament and controlling the King's state affairs in the nationwide scale. But even the English type had still limitation in its substantial character of status body ("Standesverband"),though it became already minimum as compared with all of other types. The English bourgeois revolution in the seventeenth century broke through this limitation, but also sublimated the local civil community as a cultural idea of local self-government (one of the constitutional principles of the civil society).

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The land-tenure system, which did not cease until the era of the Land Reform, did not necessarily contribute to the development of agricultural production. The Civil Code established in 1896 did not define tenant rights as a real right. Though tenancy disputes which had been supported by democratic movements and spread widely became at times violent, tenant unions were organized throughout the country. At Yachimata-cho in Chiba prefecture, the Yachimata branch of the Japan Peasants' Union, which had been established in 1924, made a demand for permanent reduction in rent upon landlords. Through such tenant disputes, most landlords were obliged to reduce tenant rent. But a middle-class landlord, Ogane, attempted to oppose tenant cultivators by taking back the leased land from them. The disputes went on until the era of Land Reform because the rent enforced was too high for them to pay. In addition, under the influence of the economic depression in the former half of 1930's, the tenant union tried to democratize the Yachimata town assembly which was mostly made up of landlords and merchants. Then in 1932, the union founded Intou Iryo Kumiai to help and offer convenience to the sick, the members of which epoch-makingly consisted of not only tenant cultivators but owner cultivators and laborers, around Yachimata. Consequently they began cooperate and stood together. Thus the land-tenure system became unstable and the landlords were made to give up their land to other landlords by tenancy disputes and these activities of tenant organizations. On the other hand, tenant cultivators demanded of them ownership of land in the case of low rent. This was also the case with the tenants in Hokkaido prefecture, where non-cultivating landlords had accumulated a considerable quantity of land. Disputes for reduction in rent, once declined during the economic depression era, increased in number again all through the country from 1937 on. These disputes brought tenant rent down, and enabled tenants to obtain land later to their advantage. The Land Reform after World War II caused owner cultivators to appear all over the country. Needless to say, it signifies that peasantry movements made the land-tenure system collapse.

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The purpose of this article is to elucidate systematically and quantitatively the fact of the exchange of non-equivalents between agriculture and industry-the low level of agricultural prices and the high level of monopolistic prices in other sections, and the state of the outflow and inflow of value in total among sections as the result of the unreasonable price formation. Prof. J. Hanada is a pioneer of the above-mentioned quantitative analysis*. In this study, I try to develop and amplify his ideas and methods much more. Various indices are calculated and quantified in the following style and methods. "Price" is quantified in the form of net product per hour of labour. "Value", "Price of production" and "Cost-price", which are the standards to judge whether "Price" is proper, are quantified each in the form of "net original domestic product per hour of labour", "the average wages plus the average profit per hour of labour", "the average wages per hour of labour". Moreover, the above-mentioned numerical values are normalized using net original domestic product per hour of labour as 100, and plotted. The average rate of profit is calculated using the total capital and. profit of the section of material production including agriculture, and wholesale and retail trade. The use of normalized values simplifies comparisons and eliminates effects of inflation. The above-mentioned methods enable us systematically to know the realization rate of value and the state of the exchange of non-equivalents in time series and to compare among various sections, regarding 100 (net original domestic product per hour of labour) as the first standard. In the quantitative analysis of the outflow and inflow of value among sections, the produced value and the realized value are elucidated regarding the net original domestic product as 100. And it is made clear that most of the outflow-value from agriculture flows into manufacturing.
* J.Hanada, “Price Ploblems of Japanese Agricultural Product”, Noubunkyo, 1978, Section II., Chapter 5. reference.

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