This study deals with the development of the Chicago Money Market from 1863 to 1894. The main goal of this study has been to determine Chicago's financial position, which has often been disregarded, and to understand the American banking structure in this period. To do so, we began by analyzing the correspondent banking system, which became general under the National Banking System (1863). The system of correspondent banking was reinforced by interbank borrowing (or loan) and by the commercial paper market resulting in the establishment of a national money market with New York as its center. New York banks acted as mediator of the internal and international flow of funds. Next we examined Chicago's position in the American money market. By the 1890's, after it became established its pre-eminence as a commercial, agricultural and manufacturing center, Chicago became the major financial fulcrum of the Midwest; second only to the New York money market. With its industrial base, the position of Chicago as a money market was different to New York. While Chicago bankers had acquired, like New York bankers, the accounts of numerous country banks, they could not help but lend these funds to the Midwestern industries because New York monopolized the security market and because business in the Midwest made increasingly larger demands for credit. In the process of the formation of big business and the development of agriculture in the Midwest and in the West, therefore, bankers in Chicago forecast the rise of their city to surpass New York as the top-ranking American financial center. These competitive relations between Chicago and New York became even keener with the intended reform to the financial structure after the panic of 1893. Directly after the panic, the Midwestern city bankers organized a plan for a new currency based upon a bank's general assets. It was called the "Baltimore Plan" (1894), and it met with strong opposition from Eastern bankers, and was never passed into law. Though the powerful New York bankers were aware of the dangers in the existing banking system, their first thought was to protect their pre-dominance, and they rejected the reform. Subsequently, and ironically, many country bankers joined "Wall Street" because they feared Chicago banks would dominate them. It is the formation and breakdown of the Baltimore Plan that we consider as epitomizing the American banking structure in the late-nineteenth century. Following the collapse of the Plan, the movement for financial refom formalize the conflict among New York, Chicago and other country bankers, and finally the Federal Reserve System, the American central banking system, is established.

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A purpose of this paper is to make clear the structure of the ruling system in the rural community of Harazato in Shizuoka prefecture in the period following Russo-Japanese War (1904〜14). In particular the analysis focuses on the interrelationship between rural economy and finance and political conditions. After the Russo-Japanese War heavy taxes were levied upon farmers engaged in sericulture and bamboo-ware making. Further, landlords translated their taxes by increasing rents and by forcing larger taxes' share upon them. As a result, arrearages increased constantly. On the other hand farmers recklessly denuded commonal land so as to obtain fertilizers needed for commercial-oriented agriculture. In the process commonal rules concerning the use of land became rapidly neglected and the equilibrium between the hamlets was destroyed. Just in this period a military base for maneuver was established in the commonal land, thus intensifying rivalry between hamlets. The financial and administrative structure of the village was paralyzed. First, village rulers accepted use of commonal land for military purpose, acquiring in turn several benefits from the military. These were skillfully distributed among all classes through the operation of village finances. In this way they overcame the financial crisis and adjusted conflikting interests within the village. Next they had to find a new ruling principle suitable to the economic stage reached by commercial agriculture and the high level of taxation (typical of the imperialistic phase). This new principle relied on the organization of farmers as new producer of commercial agriculture through the Nokai (Agricultural Associations) and Seinenkai (Youth Associations) established at hamlet's'level. Moreover, the village council (Harazatomura-jichikai) was established in order to prevent hamlet separatism and to enable state's collection of increases in productivity. Then, in 1911, the national reform of the village system consolidated the village administrative power, thus strengthening the village ruling system.

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This paper has purpose to throw light upon the accumulative process and factors of the landlessness in Rural Central Thailand by a case study-Village Lanlaem in Nakhonpathom Province. It is true that the differentiation of peasantry under "Green Revolution" in the 1970's is gradually creating the landlessness, but we must pay attention to follows; the large quantities of the landlessness have been already accumulated before the start of the peasantry differentiation, probably in the 1930's〜40's. Thailand was forced to open a country to foreign intercourse by Bowring Commercial Treaty in 1855, and was incorporated into the trade within Southeast Asia Area as a rice supplier. This Treaty made an epoch that many canals for reclamation was diged in all directions, farmer settlers emigrated under conditions of confusion and lawless, and large swampy land in Chaophraya Delta was brought under cultivation. The land-lessness households were derived from the front line of reclamation, and accumulated in large scale as a social class in the 1930's〜40's when the unclaimed lands had been exhausted. That is why we should analyze the process and factors of landlessness accumulation in relation to the formation and characteristics of village. The logic of deriving the landlessness households will be explained by advancing the concepts of "Baan (village)" and "Khroobkhrua (household)", examining J. F. Embree's "Loose Paradigm" and the dispute about rural community in Thailand after that, especially Kouichi Mizuno's "Multihousehold Compound". The alternation of generations brought about cell division of households and own lands under the succession customary of ultimogeniture and the inheritance customary that divides the land into equal parts among all the children, and Khroobkhrua that had not lineage of initial settlers almost changed into landlessness household. They took off to the thinly populated periphery where uncleared land was still available, could establish new Khroobkhrua and new Baan to support themselves untill the 1910's〜20's. But this mechanism of proliferating villages and households has no longer acted function since the 1930's when the unclaimed lands were exhausted, the landlessness class has been consequently accumulated as Baan has come loose. In this paper, such process as ≪alternation of generations → cell division of households and own lands → accumulation of landlessness≫ is concretely investigated by following the lineage of each landlessness household.

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