In the early 1970s the world economy failed into the structural crises with the simultaneous spread of stagnation and inflation pressure. The restructuring process results from the effort to supersede those crises that have affected the capitalist world economy since the early 1970s. The aim of this paper is to make clear the American type of the restructuring process in contrast to the Japanese one. In the post-Vietnam 1970s the defense procurements dropped rapidly to a level not seen since World War II. So the defense industries were forced to shift from the defense demands to the civilian demands. The microelectronics industries which had depended upon defense business grew sharpy in the civilian area owing to MPU invented by Intel. The American government has aspired to resolve their crises and to restructure the American economy by encouraging the growth of the microelectronics industries. But instead of making new investments in innovative products and process which could assure them a secure share of their market in the future, modern American managers in contrast to Japanese managers tried to expand their companies through M&A and the globalization strategy. They benefit from substituting cheaper foreign labor for U.S. workers and cheaper foreign parts for those with a U.S. label. Aa a result, U.S. companies lost out to foreign producers. In the U.S. the hollowing process has proceeded.
America's shift to a debt country in 1985 resulted in yen's drastic appreciaton, terminating Japanese economic growth dependent upon the export to the U.S. and forcing Japan to change to a domestic demand-pull growth. Accordingly, the U.S.-Japan economic relationship has been reversed: the "Amerippon" regime now sustains the U.S. economy. In the latter half of the 1980s, especially from 1987 to 1990, information-technolgy-related investments (I.T. investments) have played a major role to lead the domestic demand-pull boom, which once led the rapid economic growth in 1960s. The I.T. investments have actualized a new industrial cycle in which the I.T. investments in non-manufacturing sectors enhance the demands and investments in I.T.-related equipments in manufacturing sectors. This cycle is very different from the one experienced in 1960s where the investments were closedly made within heavy and chemical industries. The I.T. investment funds have been elicited from the direct finance backed up by stock inflation, instead of the indirect finance which sustained the introduction of advanced heavy and chemical industries in the latter half of 1950s and 1960s. These changes mentioned above were prepared by the administrative reform and privatizaion policies such as the privatization of the Telegraph and Telephone Public Corporation (Den-den Kosha), and were part of world-wide industrial restructuring based on neo-liberalism. With the success of I.T. based on the Japanese style of management, Japan has in this period succeeded in founding a new productive stage led by R & D. On the other hand, however, this success has presented by some serious problems in the field of business management, such as the circulating capitarization of fixed capital caused by shortening of the equipment depreciation term and increase in the labor-quipment ratio caused by the introduction of labor-saving equipments. These problems are contributing to building up so-called "Karoshi or, over work death, system" in Japan.
The purpose of this paper is to analyze the industrial relations in Japan under the occupation. It is characterized by the state of trade-unions. In the early stage of the occupation Japanese unions were organized by both blue collars and white collars. They were called Juugyooin-Kumiai (Employee Union). Their antecedent was the Sangyoo-Houkokukai (Industrial Patriotic Association) during the war. The organization of Juugyooin-Kumiai was established through the Seisan-Kanri-Tousou (the struggle for production control). The characteristics of Juugyooin-Kumiai are as follows. 1) The members of this organization were those who belonged to the same company. 2) They regarded themselves as producers. 3) They understood themselves as the central power of postwar reconstruction. These characteristics were to be embedded in the Japanese industrial relations after the end of the occupation.
The major socio-economic reforms in the post-Liberation period (nationalizations, the economic planning, the comites d'entreprises, the participation in the new liberal international economic system through the economic integration of Western Europe and so forth) were epoch-making events in the French economic history. Through these reforms the structure of French capitalism was radically transformed toward modernization and rationalizaton. They laid foundations of the rapid economic growth after 1950s called miracle frangais. From this point of view, one can consider this period as discontinuous with the prewar period. But, on the other hand, seeing that these reforms were already prepared between the wars, as ideologies and visions in particular, one must consider this period as continuous with the prewar period. The following is what I take in this aricle; (1) development of the dirigisme moderniste visions in the prewar period, (2) economic reform programs of the Resistance movements and formation of the CNR program, (3) characteristics of the nationalizations and the economic planning (Monnet Plan) and their effects seen from modernization and rationalization of industry, (4) development of the economic integration in the light of French-American and French-German relations.