東洋音楽研究
Online ISSN : 1884-0272
Print ISSN : 0039-3851
ISSN-L : 0039-3851
1984 巻 , 49 号
選択された号の論文の14件中1~14を表示しています
  • 播磨 照浩
    1984 年 1984 巻 49 号 p. 7-38,L1
    発行日: 1984/09/30
    公開日: 2010/02/25
    ジャーナル フリー
    1. Characteristics of Chinese Buddhism and its traditional ceremonies
    The structure of Buddhism in China differs from that in Japan in that no strict distinction is made between sects. Sects like Zen, Kegon, Jodo and Mikkyo which in Japan are independent of each other are merged in Chinese Buddhism. This tendency for fusion is apparent also in the field of religious services, and in services the various Buddhist scriptures Amituo-jing(_??__??__??__??_, Japanese Amida-kyo), Panruoxin-jing _??__??__??__??_Hannyashin-gyo), Huayan-jing (_??__??__??_, Kegon-kyo), Lengyan-zhou (_??__??__??_, Ryogon-shu), Dabei-zhou (_??__??__??_, Daihi-shu), and so on, are chanted. The basic order of the service in Chinese Buddhism is: Xiangzan (_??__??_, Japanese Kosan); Chengshenghao (_??__??__??_, Shoshogo); Dujing (_??__??_, Dokyo); Zan(_??_, San); Nianfo (_??__??_, Nembutsu); and Sanguiyi (_??__??__??_, Sankie).
    2. Service Texts
    The service text used in Chinese Buddhism is the Shanmen-risong (_??__??__??__??_, Japanese pronunciation Zemmon nichiju). This was completed by making additions to the Zhujing-risong-jiyao (_??__??__??__??__??__??_, Shokyo nichiju shuyo), which was edited by Zhuhong _??__??_ in 1600, and has been reprinted many times to this day. The contents of this service text is based on daily services given in the morning and evening, records many zan (_??_, san) and tuoluoni (_??__??__??_, darani), and includes forms of services compiled during the Tang and Song dynasties. It also preserves teachings of successive masters of the Shan (_??_, Zen) sect, and a historical table of the sect. Because of this, it is used as a textbook for lectures at Buddhist schools. The text also includes musical notation that indicates the music of percussion instruments, although there is no notation of melody. In addition, a slightly revised version of the same material was published in Shanghai in 1980 under the title Fojiao-niansong-ji (_??__??__??__??__??_, Bukkyo nenju-shu).
    3. Characteristics of the chants
    The chanting of jingdian (_??__??_, sutra texts) and tuoluoni in non-melodic fashion is accompanied by a wood-block, the muyu (_??__??_, mokugyo). Drums, bells and gongs are used to accompany melodic chanting, which creates a lively atmosphere of an auspicious nature. A majority of the chants fall into a metric pattern in which one character of the text is sung to a single measure of four-beat duration. In typical percussion patterns, a large drum is beaten once and a bell rung twice, and a gong struck occasionally; however, when the gong enters, the patterns of the drum and bell change. The melodic scale employed is of the anhemitonic-pentatonic type, often referred to as the Chinese five-note scale, and which is known in Japan as ryosen. Melodic patterns that occur frequently can be distinguished; nevertheless, the order in which they are sung is not fixed. The performance of percussion patterns seems to be standard throughout China, but melodies differ greatly according to regional district.
    4. Comparison with the Japanese Obaku sect
    The Obaku-shu _??__??__??_, a Japanese Buddhist sect first introduced into Japan from China by the Chinese monk Yinyuan (_??__??_, Japanese pronunciation Ingen) in 1658, has thoroughly conveyed knowledge of the Chinese styles. The formal procedure. of the services and the kinds of instruments used are largely the same as in China. However, the melody of sung chants is quite different, having been altered to a rissen scale characteristic of Japanese music comprising a fifth filled in by second and fourth. It can hence be said that the music of the Obaku sect has been Japanized with regard to its melody.
  • 宮崎 まゆみ
    1984 年 1984 巻 49 号 p. 39-70,L2
    発行日: 1984/09/30
    公開日: 2010/02/25
    ジャーナル フリー
    This article deals with a musical study of the accompanied vocal piece “Kurokami” as it exists in the two different Edo-period vocal music genres, jiuta and nagauta, and reaches the conclusion that the jiuta piece is the older or original version of the two. The basic reason for this result lies in the fact that the jiuta shamisen and vocal parts as well as the nagauta shamisen part are basically identical in melodic movement, and this movement has been demonstrated to be based on the accent of Edo-period Japanese in the Kansai area. The setting of the text in this way indicates that the piece was most likely composed in the Kansai area. Jiuta was the music of the Kansai and nagauta that of the Kanto (Edo) areas, and it would appear unlikely that the nagauta version of the piece was the original since, if that was the case, it should be expected that the nagauta shamisen and vocal part should agree in melodic movement and present a version based on the accent of Japanese in the Edo region.
  • 三谷 陽子
    1984 年 1984 巻 49 号 p. 71-93,L2
    発行日: 1984/09/30
    公開日: 2010/02/25
    ジャーナル フリー
    Nagata Chosen (1872-1937) was a sinologist and one of the last qin _??_ Players to inherit the qin tradition of Toko-zenji Shin'etsu (Ch. Xin-yue _??__??_, 1639-1712), the founder of the qin tradition in Japan. Nagata Chosen, named Takashige, styled Shijun, with the literary name Chosen and the common name Junjiro, was born in the village of Minami Toyoshima, Toyonogun, Osaka-fu, on 20 January, 1872. He studied sinology and was excellent at composing Chinese poems. He began his study of the qin under the instruction of Obata Shoha (1855-1936) and later mastered the instrument under Mega Yusho (1826-1896). In the drafts of his lectures on the music of the qin he called himself the eighth descendant in the Kansai district of the qin tradition of Shin'etsu. Engaging in earnest research into the history of the qin and its music in both China andJapan, he tried to maintain and promote the qin tradition through his lectures and broadcasting.
    Chosen's qin materials which are now preserved at the Research Archives for Japanese Music, Ueno Gakuen College, are classified into the following three groups: (1) printed qin handbooks; (2) hand-written qin manuscripts; and (3) drafts for his lectures and broadcasts, letters, genealogies of the qin tradition of Shin'etsu, and other miscellaneous documents.
    (1) Only three printed qin handbooks are preserved: a part of the Qin-xue-cong-shu _??__??__??__??_ (Qin-sui _??__??_4 vols., Qin-hua _??__??_4 vols., Qin-bu _??__??_3 vols.), the Cheng-yi-dang-qin-bu-da-chuan _??__??__??__??__??__??__??_, and the Qin-xue-ru-men _??__??__??__??_.
    (2) (a) Nine manuscripts which can be ascribed to Chosen's transcription, including five of (J.) Toko-kimpu _??__??__??__??_. (b) (J.) Dankin _??__??_ by Matsui Yuseki (1859-1926) and two manuscripts of Toko-kimpu once owned by Ga Reishi. The transcribers of these manuscripts are unknown.
    (3) Some drafts for broadcasts and lectures madethrough Osaka Chuo Broadcasting Corporation on 29 May, 1927, and read at the Buddhist Hall in Osaka on 2 November, 1935. Among five letters three were addressed to Chosen by Matsui Yuseki, and mention the sources of some qin handbooks. One of the three genealogical tables of the qin tradition after Shin'etsu is written very precisely with concise remarks on each qin performer, and emphasises the tradition of the Kansai district. Among miscellaneous documents are: the program for a concert in memory of Shin'etsu held at the Kanzanji temple in Osaka on 4 November, 1926; letters of invitation to the concert; an article concerning the concert taken from the newspaper Geijutsu-tsushin, issue of 15 November, 1926; and so on.
    His intensely scholarly attitude towards the investigation of many qin handbooks and the correction of errors in hand-writing in the manuscripts give evidence of his accomplishment on the instrument. The drafts made for his lectures and broadcasts also illustrate his enthusiastic inquiry into the history and techniques of qin music. Yuseki's letters to Chosen suggest that they were close friends and that Chosen was greatly assisted by Yuoseki's knowledge of the qin tradition and of qin handbooks. Yuseki wrote Dankin, a book in two volumes on qin music and qin players in Japan. This book seems not to have been published, but was copied and preserved by Chosen and Obata Shoun, the eldest son of Shoha, although the second volume is not found in Chosen's qin materials.
    According to Chosen's qin genealogy after Shin'etsu, the first transmitters of the tradition were Hitomi Chikudo and Sugiura Kinzen, the second Onoda Tozen, the third transmitter and the founder of the Kansai tradition was Sugiura Baigaku, the fourth Nagata Rado, the fifth the priest Chokai, the sixth
  • 柿木 吾郎
    1984 年 1984 巻 49 号 p. 94-108,L4
    発行日: 1984/09/30
    公開日: 2010/02/25
    ジャーナル フリー
    In Japan, the same single folk song is generally sung by people from various villages and communities within a certain specific region. In the majority of cases, it is possible to observe a substantial difference in melodic details between the actual realizations of each melody. Furthermore, even within a single village the realization of a single song by a number of different individuals usually results in differences in the melodic contour of the song. However, all of these versions of the same song are recognized as common realizations of a single song without a distinction being made between the variants. Accordingly, there should exist certain fundamental principles of musical recognition in the identification of musical styles, and the Japanese way of hearing music mentioned above must depend on them.
    In an endeavour to clarify this, a large number of folk songs have been analysed, and this has led to the establishment of principles such as the following: (1) Melodic movement of Japanese folk song is always ruled by tone-systems and the action of nucleus-structures such as tertial nuclei, quartal nuclei, quintal nuclei and their various combinations. In the same way that a European melody can be analysed in harmonic terms, Japanese folk song melody can be analysed in terms of nuclei abstracted from each melody unit within the whole. (2) Two melodies which are recognized as the same song despite a sustantial difference in their melodic details share identical or largely similar nucleus-progressions which structure their melodic movement.
    It has also been ascertained that certain kinds of embellishments, such as tsuki, yuri, mawashi etc., are used very often in the performance of folk song. Frequency in the use of ornamentation displays a certain tendency according to region. The function of ornamentation in this case appears to fall into one of two categories: either the ornamentation itself becomes an essential part of the musical motive; or otherwise it simply retains its nature as a temporary ornamental effect in the performance of the melody.
    Thus analysis of Japanese folk song in terms of a synthesis of these musical characteristics, namely specific nucleus-structures attributed to a certain region, ornamentation-style, rhythmic patterns, position of vocal production etc., has shown that Japanese folk song can be roughly classified into three regional styles: Northern style; Central style; and Southern style. Furthermore, this method is applicable to analysis of the musical metamorphoses which a folk song undergoes during its circulation and transmission.
  • 福島 和夫
    1984 年 1984 巻 49 号 p. 109-115,L5
    発行日: 1984/09/30
    公開日: 2010/02/25
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 新井 弘順
    1984 年 1984 巻 49 号 p. 116-138,L6
    発行日: 1984/09/30
    公開日: 2010/02/25
    ジャーナル フリー
    Onritsu kan'yo. Manuscript in the possession of the Research Archives for Japanese Music, Ueno Gakuen College. Single scroll, height 26.2cm, length 404.8cm. Cover of plain paper, in common with that of the rest of the scroll. Total of 10 sheets of kozoshi (or choshi, paper made from the bark of the paper mulberry). It is thought that the original form of the manuscript was a loosely-bound booklet (kari-toji), since the four holes produced in binding in this form can be seen on the cover sheet of the scroll. The binding holes on the paper of the rest of the source have however been cut away, and the sheets pasted together length-wise.
    The Onritsu kan'yo is a collection of secret teachings of Shingon sect shomyo, written by Shoson, a shomyo practitioner of the Shingon Daigo school, at Koyasan (Wakayama prefecture) in Shohei 12th year (1357). A large number of copies are extant (for details of these, refer to the table at the end of the Japanese text, pp. 133-138), and it has a number of alternative names, including Onritsu seika-shu, Onritsu jojo and Onritsu hiyo. The title immediately before the text, however, generally reads “Onritsu jojo [“Items concerning pitch”]; written according to recollections, should not be shown to outsiders”. The version of the source presented here in photographic reproduction is that thought to be the oldest existing copy, possibly of the Nambokucho period (1336-1392), held in the Research Archives for Japanese Music, Ueno Gakuen College, from the former collection of the Hobodai-in of Toji (Kyoto). For the purpose of the typographical reprint of the source included after the photographic reproduction, its contents have been collated with those of four other versions of the source, and textual variants noted.
  • 竹内 道敬
    1984 年 1984 巻 49 号 p. 139-142,L7
    発行日: 1984/09/30
    公開日: 2010/02/25
    ジャーナル フリー
    Historical source material of good quality, valuable as it as an endless source of stimulation for researchers, is almost invariably high in price and difficult to obtain. For that reason, we must turn most often to the facilities offered by libraries, but in the case of important primary material, the rarer it is the more likely it is to be available for use only under strict regulations, and it is often impossible for younger researchers to actually touch and inspect at close range. In many cases, there is often no alternative to using typographical reprints of certain sources, an alternative that of course involves a number of other difficult problems. It is most important, however, that basic primary sources should be viewed in their original forms whenever possible.
    Accordingly, the publication of this ten-volume series of basic source material in photographic reproduction, which makes possible an appreciation of the sources in the closest form to the actual object itself, should be highly welcomed. The contents of each volume in the series are as follows:
    (Translator's note: It should be noted that there are certain problems associated with reading the names of these sources, some of which will be outlined below, and that not all possibilities have been included here; in most cases, the generally-accepted reading of the name in modern Japanese has been adopted.)
    In all a total of 39 items are reproduced in full photographic facsimile, with commentary on the sources included at the end of each volume. The collection of such an amount of material was obviously quite a difficult task, and gratitude should be expressed towards those involved with publication, as well as the four supervisors of the series, Asano Kenji, Shida Nobuyoshi, Hirano Kenji and Yokoyama Shigeru.
    A quick glance at the contents of the volumes reveals firstly that these source materials are all from the Edo period (Kinsei), and that the collection is therefore a collection of vocal sources of the Edo period. The first problem with the collection is, then, that its name is too wide, since there are of course a large number of source materials for vocal genres from earlier periods. A table of contents of the series given at the back of each volume (except for some reason Vols. 7, 9 and 10) includes the information that this is a collection of Edo-period sources, although this is not stated on the cover-box or spine of each volume.
    There is a problem too with the range of material included in the publication. It would seem clear from earlier research in the field and from the title of the publication that more source material dealing with shamisen music should be included. It would be helpful if there was some sort of explanation for the reasons behind the choice of the 39 items, but unfortunately no such text can be found. Without such an explanation it is hard to evaluate the choice of materials and the editorial policy behind the publication. It would be helpful to have this included if there is any possibility for publication of a second edition.
    Below is a short listing in no special order of a number of other problems associated with the publication, although it should be noted that these do not effect the value of the series as a whole; indeed they are likely to be problems that the supervisors and other contributors to the series have already noticed.
  • 岩田 宗一
    1984 年 1984 巻 49 号 p. 142-145,L10
    発行日: 1984/09/30
    公開日: 2010/02/25
    ジャーナル フリー
    This four-volume work is a large-scale report on an investigation into the shuni-e service (more popularly known as the omizutori) celebrated at the Nigatsu-do (‘hall of the second month’), which is situated in the precincts of Todai-ji, Nara. This service, the central part of which lasts from March 1st to 15th, also includes periods of preparation and purification that occupy a total of about one month, and is one of the largest Buddhist ceremonies celebrated anywhere in Japan today. The scale of the service is so large and complex that even the priests who participate in it (known as rengyoshu) find it difficult to understand its complete form. The central part of the service is occupied by a daily six-times observance (keka saho, way of repentance), and on other prescribed days during the cycle, other additional rituals are performed. The participants in the service prepare a hand-written record of their individual duties within the service, something resembling “part music” for a performance, but there is nothing like a “full score” which records the full duties of all of the participants, the construction and procedures of the service, and the shomyo (Buddhist chant) performed as an integral part of it. Because of this, it is extremely difficult to grasp in its complete form. Previous research on the service has shown that anything beyond a partial treatment of the service has been difficult to undertake. The investigation reported on in this work, however, was carried out by the Tokyo National Research Institute of Cultural Properties (Tokyo kokuritsu bunkazai kenkyu-jo) with the aim of capturing and recording the complete contents of the service as it is celebrated today.
    Although the central theme of the service is that of repentance on the part of the priests for the purpose of intensifying their piety, it performs at the same time a more general function associated with the folk tradition of welcoming spring. It also contains elements derived from Ryobu-shinto (Shinto influence transmitted by way of esoteric Buddhist practices) and Shugen-do (which is based on esoteric mountain practices). The multi-faceted nature of the service is certain to have been one of the major reasons why it was selected as the subject for a study of this kind.
    The researchers associated with the investigation were Yokomichi Mario (head of the department of performing arts at the Institute), Sato Michiko and Matsumoto Yasushi (two members of the department of music and dance). Yokomichi was responsible for the planning and preparation of the project, and assumed a supervisory role in the structuring and analysis of the records, while Matsumoto was responsible for photography. The largest part, however, seems to have been taken by Sato, who witnessed all of the rituals throughout the duration of the service, and prepared the highly detailed record of the construction and procedures of the complete service, and the shomyo used in its performance. In total, she undertook this role for the period of six years during which actual observation was made, and for another ten years after that, during which she assumed the major duty of structuring the enormous amount of information recorded, and setting it out in the fourvolume work being dealt with here. Including the period of planning, this project consumed a total of 17 years.
    The report on the service can be divided into three major parts, its sound, its texts, and research into them. The part dealing with its sound was adequately dealt with by the publication of a six-record collection entitled Todai-ji shuni-e kannon keka-omizutori, released by Victor in 1971, which was accompanied by four booklets containing commentary dealing with the contents. Accordingly, the four-volume work being reviewed here deals with the other two aspects of the report on the service. The contents of each
  • 山口 修
    1984 年 1984 巻 49 号 p. 146-148,L13
    発行日: 1984/09/30
    公開日: 2010/02/25
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 福島 和夫
    1984 年 1984 巻 49 号 p. 148-155,L16
    発行日: 1984/09/30
    公開日: 2010/02/25
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 柘植 元一
    1984 年 1984 巻 49 号 p. 155-158,L26
    発行日: 1984/09/30
    公開日: 2010/02/25
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 角田 一郎
    1984 年 1984 巻 49 号 p. 171-172,L33
    発行日: 1984/09/30
    公開日: 2010/02/25
    ジャーナル フリー
    This report treats the inclusion of hand-written notation of kuchi-jamisen (an onomatopoeic notational system for the shamisen that uses certain limited syllables of the Japanese language to indicate method of performance, often serving as a valuable memory aid for performers) in two printed shohon (play texts) of the kojoruri style tosabushi. Although the width of the meaning of the term kojoruri (lit. ‘old joruri’) is not always clear, it is usually used to refer to those genres of joruri popular in the Edo and Kansai areas before the emergence of gidayubushi, the style of joruri that later became overwhelmingly popular, towards the beginning of the 18th century. Tosabushi refers to the style of kojoruri popular in Edo from the 1670's to about 1710, as performed by the joruri performer Tosa no Shojo Tachibana no Masakatsu. Most o f the plays were o f six dan (scenes), although five-dan plays were also written. Although the genre itself died out in the middle of the 18th century, the plays still survive today, largely in three printed forms: shohon, single volumes containing the complete text and often musical notation of a single play; danmono-shu, collections of popular scenes from a variety of plays; and nukihon, small single volumes usually containing one popular scene.
    The two shohon containing kuchi-jamisen notation are Suzukayama Odakemaru (held in the National Diet Library) and Teika (held in Osaka prefectural Nakanoshima Library). The presence of this notation has been noted previously by Torii Fumiko in her Tosa joruri shohon-shu daiichi (‘Collection of shohon of the tosabushi style of joruri, Vol. 1’, 1972). Because the notation is not printed but added to the sources by hand, it was abbreviated from her typographical reprint of the two sources, and the pertinent sections are not contained in photographic reproductions in her book; accordingly I have decided to describe it more concretely in this report.
    Both shohon include prefaces by Tosa no Shojo Tachibana no Masakatsu and the publisher Kinoshita Jin'emon dated autumn, Hoei 5th year (1708), part of a series of volumes printed with 8 columns of text to a page. Suzukayama Odakemaru has 50 leaves of text, Teika 48, and both include printed fushisho (or sessho) notation (vocal notation indicating names of melodic formulae and goma-ten-like signs written to the right of the text). Notation of kuchi-jamisen is included on 43 pages of the first source, and 33 pages of the second source.
    The system of kuchi-jamisen revealed in the two sources seem to be largely the same, using the katakana syllables chi, tsu, te, to, ri, ru, re and the syllabic consonant n. Occasionally ro, kwan, and (in Teika) shan and chan are used. Examples of the notation from the two sources can be found in the Japanese text of this report (pp. 171-2).
    As to the date of this hand-written notation, autumn 1708 is established as the earliest possible date by the preface to the two shohon, and the latest possible date is probably limited by the extinction of the tosabushi-accompanied puppet theatre towards the end of the Enkyo year period (c. 1747).
    Since tosabushi sources survive in fair numbers it seems likely that other examples of this kind of kuchi-jamisen notation will be discovered. The printed notation (comprising the names of melodic formulae and goma-ten-like notation as outlined above) of tosabushi is the most complex of the notations of kojoruri, while the notation of the later gidayubushi was developed from the comparatively sparse notational system of another kojoruri genre, kadayubushi. The notatio
  • 片桐 功
    1984 年 1984 巻 49 号 p. 172-174,L34
    発行日: 1984/09/30
    公開日: 2010/02/25
    ジャーナル フリー
    This report deals with my research into the folk music of Hiroshima prefecture. There are many kinds of folk music in this prefecture, most of which are valuable in historic terms. Accordingly, deciding that I would take up research dealing with this region as my second field of study, I undertook various types of field work on a number of occasions. This led me to the personal discovery of a type of drum dance of interesting historical origin, which I have since been investigating.
    The dance apparently originated in the following way: when Kikkawa Motohara (the lord of Hinoyama castle in Shinjo) attacked Nanjo Mototsugu (the lord of Ueishi castle in Hoki province) towards the end of the Sengoku era, he had a number of his warriors disguise themselves as dancers, who then entered the castle to entertain the dance-loving Mototsugu. The warriors, seizing their chance, drew the swords that they had concealed upon them, with the result that the enemy was defeated and the castle captured. As a commemoration of his victory Kikkawa Motoharu spread this dance throughout his domains.
    Today drum dances associated with this story or dances of very similar nature can be found throughout the Chugoku district of Japan. The dances have two lineages: one is danced by dancers in female attire wearing a flower hat and is called the hanagasa dance; and the other is danced by dancers dressed as warriors and is called the bukotsu dance.
    During the initial stages of my research I have to date concentrated on the lineage of the hanagasa dance, dealing over the period of the last few years with the drum dances of Ikeda (Midori-cho, Takata-gun, Hiroshima prefecture), Honji (Chiyoda-cho, Yamagata-gun) and Yahatabara (Geihoku-cho, Yamagata-gun). This year I am planning to shift my attention to the lineage of the bukotsu dance, and investigate the nanjo dance of Iwakuni (Yamaguchi prefecture).
  • 佐藤 道子
    1984 年 1984 巻 49 号 p. 174-176,L35
    発行日: 1984/09/30
    公開日: 2010/02/25
    ジャーナル フリー
    This is a report dealing with the current state of my thoughts concerning the Buddhist service kekae. In this service, which is generally held in early spring, the emotional state of repentance and supplication is expressed through the praise of, and repetition of the name of the principal image of worship, which may be one of the various nyorai (buddhas), bosatsu (bodhisattvas) or ten (devas). It appears that the annual celebration of this service in Japan was established in the late Nara period, during the reign of the Empress Koken (r. 749-758), and that the principal image to be worshipped as stipulated by government order was Kissho-(or Kichijo-)ten (the goddess Srimahadevi). The service also performed the important function associated with folk belief of welcoming spring and praying for peace and prosperity during the coming year.
    Surviving examples of the kekae service in Japan have a very limited geographical range; they are not found at all in eastern Japan, and only in three areas of western Japan. The first of these regions is the strip running north to south through the Kinki area, encompassing the ancient provinces Wakasa, Omi, Yamashiro, Kawachi, Yamato and Kii; the second the strip running east to west along the north coast of the Setonaikai (Inland Sea), encompassing Settsu, Harima and Bizen; and the third the area centered around the Kunisaki peninsula of Bungo, in northern Kyushu. These three areas were also the three major centres of civilization in ancient Japan. The process and route by which observance of the service spread is a complicated topic, since the forms of the service that can be observed in those regions that were in closer contact with the mainland (such as Wakasa on the Japan Sea Coast, and the Bungo region in northern Kyushu) contain elements that suggest a provincial breakdown of forms more correctly observed in the central areas, especially Yamato, and one must accordingly take into consideration the possibility of the reintroduction of patterns stabilized during the Heian period in areas nearer the seat of power.
    One would assume that the reason why celebration of the service spread, became established, and in some cases survived to this day, would be associated with the fact that it was initially sponsored by the central government. However, although the principal image chosen for worship in official services was Kissho-ten, an examination of the surviving examples of the service shows that the majority have as their image of worship two other figures, the bodhisattva Kannon (Avalokitêsvara, Goddess of Mercy) and the buddha Yakushi (Bhêchadjaguru, Physician of Souls). The purpose of the service remains unchanged, and the order of the service is not substantially different, but it would seem that strong elements associated with the folk tradition of welcoming the new year, not necessarily of an official nature, may be responsible for the spread and tenacity of this type of service.
    The central part of the kekae service is known as the keka hoyo, and the basic order and procedures of this rite have been shown to be closely related to that described in a work by the Chinese Tang-period monk Zhisheng _??__??_, Ji-zhu-jing-li-chan-yi _??__??__??__??__??__??_. Though there is no direct evidence that the service in Japan was based on this, one can assume that foreign models served as the basis for the procedures of the service. The surviving services are all built largely on a single pattern, in which texts differ greatly according to the image worshipped. Rather than all of these texts being continental imports, it seems possible that some of them were written in Japan as variations on a single structure. If this is so, the problems of who was responsible for the texts, when and where they were put together, and the power behind the creation of the new texts, are all matters that will require further investigation.
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