Jinchi-yoroku (JCYR) _??__??__??__??_, a tablature score for gakuso _??__??_ (the long zither used in gagaku _??__??_), was compiled in the late 12th century by Fujiwara no Moronaga _??__??__??__??_ (1138-92). It stands out among the rich variety of written source materials associated with gagaku as a comparatively large scale source. It includes explanations of notational systems _??__??__??_ and tablature scores of choshi _??__??_, saibara _??__??__??_, togaku _??__??_, komagaku _??__??__??_, and gigaku _??__??_ pieces.
The elements of the notational system of JCYR are as follows:
1. Primary tablature signs indicating names of the strings of the instrument
2. Secondary signs dealing with rhythm
3. Tertiary signs dealing with performance techniques, especially those of the left hand
After analysis focusing on the first two elements, it has become clear that all measured togakv pieces can be classified into four rhythmic types:
Type AA: one primary tablature sign for every kobyoshi _??__??__??_ (unit of rhythm)
Type A: one primary tablature sign for every kobyosh, or one primary tablature sign for even-numbered kobyoshi and two or more primary tablature signs for odd-numbered kobyoshi; the secondary sign ka _??_ appears only in odd-numbered kobyoshi
Type B: two or more primary tablature signs for every kobyoshi, with a syncopated melodic movement; the secondary sign ka appears only in odd-numbered kobyoshi
Type AB: a mixture of Types A and B, with one or two primary tablature signs for each kobyoshi; the secondary sign ka appears both in even-and odd-numbered kobyoshi
In the major part of the togaku repertoire, each measured piece has original melody (genkyoku _??__??_) and an arrangement of this melody (dokyoku _??__??_). Most of the original melodies may be classified into Type A and the arranged ones into Type B.In some cases, melodies of Type B are given the metrical specification gaku-byoshi _??__??__??_, as opposed to tada-byoshi _??__??__??_. Analysis of the frequency of appearance of the secondary sign ka, especially when comparing Types A and B, shows that genkyoku of Type A are likely to bear the indication tada-byoshi, and that this is the same as that of tada-byoshi as interpreted today, in the sense that the odd-numbered kobyoshi are of longer duration than the even-numbered.

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A wrong theory has been spread for the origin of HICHIRIKI-fu ever since the late 17th century up to now in Japan. On the other hand, various theories have been made in China for the origin of FU-JI (notes) of KOSHAKU-fu, which is still a mystery. The present study aims at correcting the former thoery as well as giving an explicit explanation for the latter.
The present paper consists of two chapters. Chapter 1 compares “Nakahara rosei sho ⌈_??__??__??__??__??_⌋”, the Japanese old HICHRIKI score and the noting of KOSHAKU-fu, and shows that they share the following characteristics:
-the number of notes (FU-ji)
-the shape of the rhythm-indicating black dots and the white circles
-vertical noting in two lines
-prcsence of similar black dots between lines
Chapter 2 introduces a new theory for the origin of these notes.
“GAKKAROKU ⌈_??__??__??_⌋” says HICHIRIKI SHIKO-fu originates from the Chinese HICHIRIKI-fu (KOSHAKU-fu). A comparison of the notes in HICHIRIKI SHIKO-fu and those in “JINCHIYOROKU ⌈_??__??__??__??_⌋”, “KYOKUNSHO ⌈_??__??__??_⌋”, and a careful examination of notes on the pipes of old sho and u in SHOSOIN, “TENPYO BIWA-fu ⌈_??__??__??__??__??_⌋”, “GOGEN BIWA-fu ⌈_??__??__??__??__??_⌋” “TONKO BIWA-fu ⌈_??__??__??__??__??_⌋”, and “HAKUGATEKI-fu ⌈_??__??__??__??_⌋” showed similarity between the notes of HICHIRIKI SHIKO-fu and those of the Tang music scores mentioned above. Thus, HICHIRIKI SIKO-fu does not derive from the note of KOSHAKU-fu, but those of traditional Tang HICHIRIKI SHIKO-fu, It is apparent that the theory given by Suehisa Abe is wrong by these examples.
On the other hand, there has been some theories on the origin of the notes (FU-JI) in KOSHAKU-fu; the one in “Chugoku ongakushiron-jutsuko ⌈_??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??_⌋”, the other found in “Chugoku ongaku shiten ⌈_??__??__??__??__??__??_⌋” and “Chugoku daihyakka zensho ⌈_??__??__??__??__??__??__??_⌋”, which says KOSHAKU-fu is completed in Ming-Shing era, but it originates back to TOJINDAIKYOKU-fu through ZOKUJI-fu in the Southern Song. This paper gives a new theory, in which the notes (FU-JI) in KOSHAKU-fu is based on HICHIRIKI-fu. The following are the evidene:
1. The number of the notes are the same in these two scores.
2. The shape of the 5 notes out of 10 is common to both.
3. They both had 10 notes in the beginning, but the both reduced to 9 in modern period.
4. Many notes share the same pitch in the both scores.
It is assumed that the notes in KOSHAKU-fu were formed at the end of Tang period, since GODAI poems suggested its origin, and also its description appears for the first time in the Northern Song period.

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This article is concerned with the nature of musical change in the folk songs (shima-uta) of Amami Oshima, and in particular with qualitative change in methods of transmission of these songs. The research was conducted during a period of residence on the island.
The island of Amami Oshima is located in the subtropical belt at an almost equidistant position between Kagoshima and the main island of Okinawa. The island is about 100 kilometres in length and has a population of approximately 85, 000. Administratively, it belongs to Oshima-gun in Kagoshima Prefecture.
Shima-uta have been handed down in the manner of an exchange of song between men and women. They are performed to the accompaniment of the shamisen on occasions considered as appropriate by the village (shima) community for such performances. Shima-uta are distinguished by melodies which differ from one shima to another, the shima being the group within which transmission occurs. The rapid changes which have occurred in village society over recent years have resulted in the collapse of the shima communities and the encroachment of urban ways of living. A byproduct of this development is that shima-uta are now generally learnt and passed on through the mediums of records, folk song competitions, and formal tuition.
The districts in which folk song transmission occurs throughout the island may be classified roughly into the three following types:
1) Districts where there still exist transmission groups with the same structure as the traditional communities, and where transmission continues to centre on traditional methods of learning.
2) Districts where there is more scope for song performance than those described in the preceding paragraph and where modern methods of tuition are also practised. (In such districts both traditional and modern methods of learning are practised, centring on groups of music-loving friends rather than on traditional groups.)
3) Naze, the main city on the island, where modern methods of study are practised on the foundations provided by the musical culture of the adjacent parts of the island.
I made a comparison of districts 1) and 3), that is the city of Naze and the traditional shima-uta community of Sani, since these districts are representative of the centre and the periphery of shima-uta culture on Amami Oshima.
People in the shima-uta community of Sani believe that the shima-uta genre is music symbolic of their community. The musical diversity within Sani is unified under a communal awareness that shima-uta (“community songs”) are the songs of this particular community. The music is constantly undergoing change as part of the intimate relation-ships between the individual and the group.
In the main city of Naze, songs are learnt by individuals who freely select and learn the melody of a song as performed by their favourite singer (utasha); individuals may also introduce their own refinements into a melody. Here, there are no transmission groups directly to fetter the singing style of an individual. The musical diversity present in Naze leads to an attitude presupposing that shima-uta are the songs of Amami Oshima as a whole rather than of any particular community on the island.
The term shima-uta thus assumes a subtly different meaning for individ uals in Naze and Sani, despite the fact that both districts belong to the same shima-uta culture of Amami Oshima.
Comparison of these two diametrically opposed districts in connection with transmission makes it possible to surmise the diachronic changes which have occurred from the era when the traditional shima community was still alive down to the present. The world of the shima-uta in Amami was previously one which centred on one's own shima and in which the existence of shima-uta outside the comm

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