Kofu-Ryoritsu-no-Maki (KRRM, also known as Kofu/Hooshoo-fu Ryoritsukan/Kofu Ritsuryo-kan) _??__??__??__??__??_, a tablature score for shoo _??_ (mouth organ with 17 bamboo pipes, used in gagaku _??__??_), was compiled in the early 13th century by musicians of the Toyohara family. It includes a large repertoire of toogaku _??__??_ pieces and is especially significant as one of the earliest sources which includes the indications nobe _??_ and haya _??_, a pair of metrical specifications. The elements of the notational system of KRRM are as follows: 1. Primary tablature signs in vertical column of notation indicating the names of the pipes of the instrument. 2. Secondary signs dealing with rhythm, namely ku-ten _??__??_ (intra-columnary dots) and kobyooshi-ten _??__??__??__??_ (dots to the right of the notational column). Although the ku-ten and kobyooshi-ten systems are applied to the notational column simultaneously in KRRM, these can be analyzed independently. Analysis focusing on these elements has made it clear that all measured toogaku pieces can be classified into two rhythmic types. Furthermore, comparison of the melodies in KRRM with those in Sango-Yooroku (SGYR) _??__??__??__??_ and Jinchi-Yooroku (JCYR) _??__??__??__??_, both of which were compiled in the late 12th century by Fujiwara no Moronaga, has shown that melodic features in KRRM correspond to those in SGYR and JCYR, although the two types of KRRM are divided into four types in SGYR and JCYR. The metrical indications nobe and haya can be found in KRRM, while they cannot be found in SGYR and JCYR. It is possible, however, to apply the indications in KRRM to SGYR and JCYR because of the correspondence of melodies between the sources. The relationships between the indications of nobe/haya and the four rhythmic types are as follows: Type AA: one primary tablature sign for every kobyooshi. →haya Type B: two or more primary tablature signs for every kobyooshi, with syncopated melodic movement →nobe Type A: one primary tablature sign for every kobyooshi, or two or more primary tablature signs for odd-numbered kobyooshi →haya (nobe) Type AB: one or two primary tablature signs for each kobyooshi →haya (nobe) In the greater part of the repertoire of SGYR and JCYR, an original melody and an arrangement of this is given for each measured piece. In nobe-yahyooshi _??__??__??__??_ pieces particularly, most of the original melodies can be classified into Type A or AB, and the arrangements into Type B. Even though these pieces are classified as nobe pieces as a whole, the original versions in Type A or AB may be classified as haya pieces in terms of the density of tablature signs and melodic movement. In some cases, the original versions in Type A or AB of nobe are expressly referred to as haya in KRRM. Today the classification of nobe and haya is fixed for each piece, but it seems not to have been in the late Heian to early Kamakura periods (the 12th-13th centuries). In other words, there were several versions of each piece, differing from each other in terms of the metrical specifications nobe and haya.
Das Liederbuch “Kirishitan no utai” (Lied [er] der Christen) aus dem Jahre 1878 ist das wohl älteste Gesangbuch der katholischen Mission in Japan. Es enthält auf 51 Seiten Liedtexte in Hiragana, alle abgefaßt in der Terminologie der versteckten Christen. Die vorliegende Arbeit ist ein Abschnitt aus meiner Dissertation “Katholische Kirchenmusik in Japan” (St. Ottilien, 1994). Neben der bereits bekannten Ausgabe werden zwei weitere-bisher unbekannte-Editionen vorgestellt. Mit Hilfe eines handgeschriebenen Liederbuches und eines Liedzettels aus dem Jahre 1880 konnten sogar die bisher unbekannten Melodien von “Kirishitan no utai” bestimmt werden. Der Herausgeber bleibt aber weiterhin unbekannt; doch da die Sammlung die Druckerlaubnis von Bischof Petitjean bzw. Weihbischof Laucaigne aus Nagasaki erhielt, nehmen wir an, daß sie auch dort gedruckt wurde, und zwar von Marc de Rotz. Mitgearbeitet haben dürfte u. a. Marie-Amédée Salmon, der auch das schon oben erwähnte handschriftliche Liederbuch zusammenstellte.
A firmly established theory of the history of the Satsuma-biwa up through the Edo period already exists. And there has been no debate or discussion concerning this theory since its original formation. This is because no new information has been uncovered about the Satsuma-biwa in this period. In 1990 I found the invaluable document, “Satsuma-biwa Songs (Satsuma-biwa-uta)” in the collection of the Seikado Library in Setagaya, Tokyo, and also found a few materials in the Kagoshima Prefectural Library. UEDA Keiji's “Origins of the Satsuma-biwa (Satsuma-biwa engen-roku, 1912)” and a manuscript entitled “Historical Record of the Satsuma-biwa and its Spiritual Characteristics (Satsuma-biwa no enkaku to sono seishinteki honryo) by the Meiji era biwa player, NISHI Kokichi, are works that document what authors who lived in the Meiji era actually saw and heard, and for this reason I believe them to be reliable. This paper introduces aspects of the history of the Satsuma-biwa in the Edo period based on the materials described above. I welcome any criticism or suggestions about it. In particular, it makes clear the following points, 1. The famed military general of the warring states era (Sengoku-jidai), SHIMAZU Yoshihiro, was deeply involved in the development of the Satsuma-biwa. 2. The prototype of the Satsuma-biwa was established in the late 16th century, Yoshihiro's time, and it is believed that Yoshihiro can be viewed as the founder of the Satsuma-biwa. 3. In its beginnings, Satsuma-biwa was practiced by people of the samurai class and the blind, but gradually, a joruri (‘narrative’)-like singing style was adapted, giving it an entertainment-music feeling, which discouraged the samurai class from singing, so they came to enjoy the biwa as instrumental music. Satsuma-biwa came to be called “zato-uta (lit. ‘blind mistrel songs’)”, and became the professional monopoly of the blind. 4. There were some revolutionary improvements made in the “instrumental music biwa” of the samurai around the latter half of the 18th century. 5. Around the beginning of the 19th century, samurai players started singing the songs again and biwa performance by the merchant class came to be allowed as well. Three biwa styles—“Zato style”, “Samurai style”, and “Merchant style”—competed for popularity with each other in the mid-19th century. 6. IKEDA Jinbei and TOKUDA Zenbei (also known as Zenjiro) are two known biwa players of the Edo period, and more detail about their personal histories has come to light. Another biwa player, HIGASHI Gensho, lived during the same age as Jinbei.
The difficult words or expressions in jiuta “Yashima” can be understood by the dialects in southern part of Japan, Kyusyu. So can the difficult words in jiuta “Chidori” by the dialects and descriptions in an old publication “Ishinpo-Bonaihen”.
Tenganan lies in the east of Bali, and there live a group of people called Bali Aga who still have the tradition of ancient customs which go back to the time before the Javanese brought Hindu culture to the island. This paper reports, first, the present situation of the tradition of gamelan selonding, iron musical instruments; second, the author compares selonding and bronze gamelan gong and finds connection between the fact that they are Bali Aga and the fact that they are the very people that have handed down the tradition of selonding. The inhabitants are divided into two groups: one is Bali Aga who are called Pegringsingan, and the others are mostly blacksmiths called Pande. Only Pegringsingan are able to touch and play selonding in their own ceremony. There is a legend that selonding is sacred because it is an instrument sent from heaven, and it is divine as it is made of iron which has magic power. If a person who is not Pegringsingan touches selonding, it means desecration. When it happens, it is necessary to perform a ritual of purification, whereas when a Pegringsingan touches it they do not need to have the ritual. It means, probably, Pegringsingan deem themselves sacred. It serves for Pegringsingan to distinguish themselves from those other than themselves. Gong itself is not sacred. Both groups, Pegrhinsingan and Pande, participate in the village ceremony and they are allowed to touch and play gong. Sacredness which can be seen in selonding has some connection with Pegrinsingan. Pegringsingan are a unique community united with their common paddy field. They earn their income by managing their common paddy field. Their affluent life is sepported with the common paddy field. Pande earn their living by peddling, manufacturing, and wage earning; they do not have their common paddy field. The money for the expenditure on selonding is drawn from the profit out of the common paddy field. Pegringsingan possess special common paddy field for selonding. The expenses for gong are taken from the foundation whose money has been gained by the seasonal hired labor at the time of harvest. It became evident that Pegringsingan and selonding have some connections with the common paddy field, but gong and Pande have not connection with the common paddy field. In conclusion, to play selonding is the proof of being Pegringsingan, and they have special privilege to be the member of the common paddy field. Therefore, to play selonding is the revelation of their sacred identity as Pegringsingan.