There is a confusion about the school to which the heikyoku tradition in Nagoya belongs among some heikyoku players. The reason for the confusion lies in the fact that there are certain differences between the heikyoku in Nagoya and the Maeda school heikyoku tradition handed down by a family from Tsugaru. Present Tsugaru tradition started with KUSUMI Taiso who learned heikyoku from the Maeda school master, ASAOKA kengyo Chosaiichi at the end of the Edo period. There was another heikyoku school called Hatano school which centered in Kyoto. Because of the many differences, it has been thought that heikyoku in Nagoya must belong to this Hatano school. But in considering the following four points, it is clear that Nagoya heikyoku belongs to the Maeda school: (1) the text; (2) the vocal melody; (3) the instrumental techniques and (4) the lineage of styles passed on from teachers to desciples. (1) By comparing the actual vocal narration of the Nagoya school with the written text of the Maeda school and the Hatano school, the oral text in Nagoya is much closer to the Maeda school. (2) The vocal melody of Nagoya heikyoku has more ornamental movements and complicated vocal techniques than Tsugaru heikyoku. This has been regarded as a characteristic of the Hatano school. But five-line staff notations of the Hatano school heikyoku from the Taisho period and that of Tsugaru heikyoku from the end of the Meiji period have clarified that Tsugaru heikyoku was more similar to Nagoya heikyoku. At the same time, Nagoya heikyoku has increased its ornamental movements since the 1960s, thereby increasing the melodic differences between Tsugaru and Nagoya. (3) The second string of the biwa is tuned a major third above the first string in Nagoya, as was the biwa of the last blind heikyoku player of the Hatano school. On the other hand, it was tuned a minor third above the first string in the Tsugaru tradition until the 1960s. The documents on biwa from the Edo period show that the pitch of the second string was not always fixed and the Maeda school also used the major third. So the difference of the tuning does not mean there was a difference of the school. Sawari sound is used for the biwa in Nagoya, but not in Tsugaru. A document from the Meiji period proves that sawari was used by the blind players of the Maeda school but not by the amateur players. So the existence of sawari does not mean that the Nagoya heikyoku belongs to the Hatano school. (4) There was an innovation of the notation system by OGINO kengyo Chiichi/Tomonoichi in Nagoya at the end of the 18th century. As he learned heikyoku from both schools, Maeda and Hatano, it was uncertain which school he taught to the disciples in Nagoya. One source tells that OGINO regarded himself as a Maeda school player, while another shows that his desciple in Nagoya, NAKAMURA kengyo, taught the Maeda school heikyoku. Therefore we can conclude that heikyoku in Nagoya belongs to the Maeda school.
The purpose of this paper is to explore how one can apply the recent advances in gender theory to musicology, concentrating on concerns about feminist criticism and the historicizing of gender. I will use the post-structuralistic concept of gender, because I believe that this is a rigorous approach to theorizing gender and most effectively avoids ghettoization. This approach also transcends historical periods, areas and genre boundaries. Gender theory has been the most important concept for feminists, rallying many people to join the debate. Feminists have asserted that the subjective identity of men/women is a social and cultural construction. The wide acceptance of this conceptualization, however, has led to social and cultural determinism: producing descriptive accounts of gender roles as a static dichotomic order ruled by the inherent logic of a certain society or period, supporting the idea of cultural relativism. In the case of musicology, feminist musicologists who attempted to reestablish women as the subject, have discovered women composers and musicians who have been ignored or concealed by leading musicologists. It is at this moment important that women studies are not relegated to a marginal and supplemental sphere which would serve to reify the existing belief of unequal gender relations based on biological differences. To surmount such a static dichotomy, the strategic theory must be made based on the issues raised by feminism. In the larger field of art, linguistic and visual representations such as literatures, paintings, films, performances and so on, which can give concrete images of women, have drawn attention, but music has received much less. This might be due to the existence of strong belief in the autonomy of music because of the lack of concreteness in sound. Recent studies, however, have made it clear that music, which has been the last stronghold of autonomous art, is greatly influenced by ideologies and the larger societies. Without dispelling such a belief and recognizing the politics of art —any type of power related to the construction and practice of meanings in a society—, gender theory can not be effectively applied to musicology. In an important development, feminist criticism has been applied to music. The most specific feature of musicology might be the ability of analyzing musical sound itself as well as notations, visualized texts of music. Feminist music criticism tries to explicate how meanings of musical sound are constructed: the process of articulating musical discourses through gendered discourses. Susan McCraly, the most well-known musicologist in this field, starts by rejecting the idea of autonomous art and then tries to bring to light the idea that music and its processes operate within the larger political arena. She analyzes not only worded music such as opera but also absolute music. We should recognize gender issues raised by feminists are related to men as well as women: men as the transcendental or universal subject in a patriarchal society now become the mere male subject. Gender music criticism including feminist music criticism, has already started to be developed. History of women apparently seems to acquire a certain status, considering the numerous books and articles that have been recently published. Have the leading historians indeed neglected it as having nothing to do with economic and political history? Such a phenomenon is called ghettoization. As a strategy for surmounting this, the theory submitted by Joan W. Scott has inspired many scholars. She regards the historicizing of gender as the explicating the ways of producing the meanings of gender in different contexts; the exposing the concealed power relation through paying attention to the politics of constructing meanings. When her theory is applied to writing history of music,
The educational policies of Japanese colonization were one channel to introduce western music to Taiwan. This form of western music education called the shoka education was a result of the adaptation of western music during the early Meiji period in Japan, and it was implemented in Taiwanese elementary schools since the middle Meiji period. In this paper, we analyze the articles, related to shoka, from the periodical Taiwan's educational academy and try to understand the circumstances relating to shoka education in Taiwan during the Meiji period. In this periodical, we discovered some valuable so far not utilized materials regarding shoka education. Since 1901, the periodical was edited by Taiwan's educational academy, whose predecessor was the Japanese Educational Academy (kokugo kenkyu kai) that was established in 1898, and the members of the academy were almost all educators. Through these periodicals, we can understand that the writers, who are almost all Japanese teachers, are teaching the readers how to think about shoka education and how to teach shoka at that time. This is one focus of the present study. We also used some literature to supplement the deficiency, from 1895 to 1901, before the periodical was launched. This paper is divided into three parts. The first part explains the process of introduction of shoka education in Taiwan. The second part analyzes the materials found in Taiwan's educational academy that are relevant to shoka education during the Meiji period in Taiwan and the third part contains our main observations. Then we draw two conclusions regarding the goals of implementing shoka education in colonial Taiwan in the Meiji period. One concerns the cultivation of the spirit, and the other is the training of singing and hearing ability. Also there were some teachers who thought about how they could let the children enjoy singing more. Nevertheless, shoka education in Taiwan's Meiji period tended to concentrate more on the cultivation of sentiments than musical education. On the other hand, from the article written by a Taiwanese teacher, we have gathered that the Taiwanese were not conscious of the fact that the relationship between music and lyric for shoka are important. Also, they did not realize that shoka was an acculturation of western music. On this evidence, we can conjecture that for Taiwanese who lived in the Meiji period it was difficult to understand that shoka was not original Japanese music but was derived from a kind of western music.
Concerning the tsukushigoto, the ancestor of the modern Ikuta-ryu and Yamadaryu, several fundamental questions remain unanswered in spite of many years of research following the discovery of the last two players of this school. A typical example of such questions is “How does the player sit facing the koto?”. On this problem two theories have been proposed: (1) With the right knee drawn up (tatehiza) style, as per Tsukamoto (2) With both knees placed nearly horizontally (gakuza) style, as per Miyazaki Through the explanation of “The 12 rules to play the tsukushigoto” written in Tsukushigoto Hiroku Kouketsu, a well-guided book by Matsuzumi Tousen, a new sitting style is deduced, and hereby proposed. This new style is based on the translation of the Chinese letter “_??_” not as “vertical” but as “horizontally and forward.” Following this newly proposed style, a male player sits squarely facing the koto with his knees bent and with his toes directly beneath the body. Then the left leg is opened to about 70 degrees counterclockwise. The arch of the left foot is then positioned to make contact with the inner side of the calf of the right leg. The weight is placed on the sole of the right foot. A female player sits basically likewise, the only difference being to tuck the toes of the left foot into the back of the right knee.