From 1889 to 1907 seven collections of bukkyo shoka (Buddhist songs) were published with music. This new type of Buddhist song was born under the influence of the gakko shoka (school songs) and the increasing popularity of Protestant hymns, and was a first attempt to use music as a tool for proselytism. With the introduction of Buddhist Sunday schools around 1905 it became necessary to create a repertory of Buddhist songs adapted for children. These new songs were not called bukkyo shoka, but sanbutsuka (literally “Hymns in Praise of Buddha”). It should be added that, unlike some of the previous bukkyo shoka, composed and used by people from different Buddhist sects, these sanbutsuka were exclusively created to be used in the Sunday schools of the Jodo Shinshu Honganji sect. The first collection of sanbutsuka, authored by Kikutsuki Haruomi under the aegis of the Kyoto Gudokai (Kyoto Seekers of the Truth Association), was published in 1907. According to the introduction written by Kikutsuki himself, the music for the twenty songs was entrusted to Mori Heizo, who either composed or selected the melodies. This is a most extraordinary collection of twenty hymns, which in one stroke changed some of the traditions of Buddhist song built up until then. This is historically most important as the first collection to offer melodies specially designed to be sung by children in the newly created Buddhist Sunday schools. It is thus surprising that this paper is the very first attempt to examine the musical contents of this collection. Besides song no. 12, which defies any kind of analysis due to some possible printing mistakes in the number notation, the melodies of the other nineteen songs can be easily classified: three belong to Japanese folk-like melodies, ten (actually nine, since one melody is repeated for songs nos. 2 and 19) fall nicely into the slot of melodies using yonanuki scales, and six are tonal, all in major keys. But a closer look reveals the extent of Mori's disregard for the Buddhist tradition of bukkyo shoka, since the author was able to identify ten of the twenty melodies (again nine, since one is repeated) as borrowed, without any deviation, from Protestant hymns already published in Japan at that time. The main topic of this paper is the identification of the specific Protestant hymns from which the melodies were borrowed and the background of the publication of some of these hymns. A discussion dealing with the possible transfer of Christian concepts into the texts of some of the sanbutsuka is also included. For example, the use of the Japanese word ai, meaning love. The concept expressed by this word was quite alien to the Buddhism of that time. The author feels a Christian concept had been transferred, a concept which must have been quite perplexing to the Japanese of the beginning of the twentieth century. The word ai remained, seemingly, a new acquisition to the Buddhist vocabulary. A very limited thing, one must say, since no new sanbutsuka using the word ai could be found, although this particular sanbutsuka, with the word ai in it, was re-published at least four times in sanbutsuka collections between 1910 and 1918. The above wholesale borrowing of melodies from Protestant hymns was short-lived. Three years after Kikutsuki's Sanbutsuka of 1907 a new collection with thirty songs was published by the same Kyoto Gudokai, with Tatsuta Shuen as editor. In his introduction, the editor acknowledges that he entrusted the melodies to the good offices of Nomura Seijin and Mori Heizo, without explaining whether they selected them from existing songs or composed new ones, nor whether they worked on the collection independently or together. What is clear is that, although the texts of seven of the sanbutsuka with melodies borrowed from Protestant hymns in the
Kozu Senzaburo (1852-97) is known as one of the central figures of Ongaku-torishirabe-gakari (Institute of Music) in Tokyo, and also famous for his major writing, Ongaku-no-rigai (Interests of Music), which has been recognized as one of the earliest works of modern Japanese musicology. Quoting no less than four hundred and fifty documents, ranging from time-honored Japanese and Chinese books to the newest Western writings, this compilation shows us plenty of musical anecdotes and episodes taken from various places and periods in the world. Arguing fully the influences and effects of music on human nature, it established a solid basis in theory for the educational policies of the Institute. Although this writing has been examined within the cultural contexts in Japan and Asia, few scholars have argued it in relation to the Western musical thoughts. This article examines the following: (1) the sorts of Western documents Kozu quoted, (2) the reasons for his selection, and (3) the ways in which he appropriated them for his own purpose. Born in Shinano, young Kozu cultivated himself within the circumstances of the Confucian tradition. He went up to Tokyo in 1869 and then studied English at private schools. When the new government determined to send young talents abroad to survey the educational systems in the modern nations, he was selected as one of members sent to the United States. Kozu seems to have been a student of the New York State Normal School at Albany from 1875 to 1877. There he learned the modern methods of artistic education such as vocal music and drawing, and gained knowledge of contemporary Western literatures on music, especially by British and American writers, and therefore established his own view on music, chiefly based on theories of music education in America (L. Mason), anthropology (Ch. Darwin) and comparative musicology (C. Engel and A. J. Ellis) in England. He is distinguished from the twentieth-century Japanese musicologists, who were mostly attracted by the German aesthetics of music. Kozu's view on music fostered in his Albany years had a definitive effect on the policy of Torishirabe-gakari and subsequent music education in modern Japan. In 1881, he was appointed to one of the supervisors of Torishirabe-gakari, founded two years before. At the Institute, he taught English, translated foreign books on musical grammar and harmony and gave lectures on music theory and history. His first theoretical work appeared in Ongaku-torishirabe-seiseki-shinposho (Report on the Result of the Investigations Concerning Music), which is a collaborative work with Izawa Shuji, the head director of the Institute. It includes “Ongaku-enkaku-taiko (Outlines on the History of Music)” and “Meiji-sho-sentei-no-koto (On the Selection of National Anthem for the Meiji Era)”, both of which are brief but comprehensive. In the former the author argues, chiefly referring to C. Engel's An Introduction to the Study of National Music (1866), that the Western diatonic scale and the Eastern pentatonic scale both originate in the pentatonic scale of Ancient India, as the Indo-European languages do, and emphasizes that the effect and interests of music has universal values. Here, however, he altered Engel's original arguments to accommodate them into the so-called “eclectic” policy of the Institute. In the latter essay, while summarizing the history of national anthems in European countries, Kozu examines how we can make an effective song that attracts people's attention and make their temperament obedient to the government. This report can be regarded as an important step to his more elaborate plan of Rigai. Ongaku-no-rigai (1891) consists of three parts with twenty-four volumes and three hundred fifty chapters. Each part shows, from the beginning, “Music and People, ” “Music and National Government” and
Japanese immigrants began to develop their ethnic community in southern California during the 1910s. Since then, those immigrants and their descendents have transmitted various genres of Japanese performing arts within their community. As in Japan, the transmission of Japanese arts in southern California has been greatly dependant on the iemoto system—a hierarchical structure of teachers and students organized under the iemoto (the headmaster of a school of an art), as well as the system of transmitting and maintaining the arts within that structure. However, detached from Japanese sociocultural contexts and transplanted into southern California, the iemoto system could not remain as it is in Japan, and this transformation of the iemoto system has led to the changes in Japanese musical practices in southern California. The three main factors that transformed the iemoto system in southern California are: 1) the shift of the students of Japanese musical arts from Issei (the first generation; immigrants from Japan) and Nisei (the second generation; American-born children of the Issei) to Sansei (the third generation; American-born children of the Nisei) and younger generations, who are more Americanized in their language, moral values, and mentality, 2) the American socio-cultural environment, which is different from that in Japan, and 3) the teachers' own recognition of the negative aspects of the iemoto system. These factors have led to the undermining of the following four ideological principles of the iemoto system: 1) disciples' loyal obligations, 2) the absolute value of the authoritative ranks, 3) a teacher-student relationship that emphasizes hierarchical distinction, and 4) a teaching method that emphasizes imitation. The undermining of these principles has, in turn, produced various distinctive features of Japanese musical arts in southern California, which include the weakening of a sense of belonging to one's teacher and school; development of non-traditional repertoire and techniques; concert style student performances that reduce students' financial burden and appeal to public; emphasis on musical ability rather than ranks; a democratic, “contract-based” teacher-student relationship; and use of alternative teaching methods. In spite of these changes, the iemoto system continues to function in southern California, as the teachers keep their ties with their iemoto system in Japan. In a sense, teachers in southern California have dual approaches to the iemoto system: while they accommodate their specific environment and pursue their own policies in America, they continue to respect and maintain the iemoto system in their relation to Japan. There are three main reasons that teachers in southern California maintain their involvement in the iemoto system: 1) they need to belong to a particular iemoto system so that their disciples can acquire the natori-licenses (teaching degrees), which are granted only by the iemoto; 2) since teachers in southern California are mostly those originally trained within the traditional iemoto system in Japan, they understand the system, and thus, tend to maintain an active sense of belonging and obligation to the iemoto, and 3) their membership in a particular iemoto system ensures their access to Japanese musical resources—music scores and musicians—derived from that school. Thus, the iemoto system functions as an important tie that connects the teachers in southern California with Japan, and this connection plays an important role in their activities in America. This study of the iemoto system in southern California suggests the following three points: 1) the iemoto system is subject to transformation once it is detached form the Japanese socio-cultural environment and mentality that
Two musical instruments were discovered at the Wakamiya shrine, an auxilliary shrine of the Kasuga Taisha of Nara. These two instruments, a sho (mouth organ) and a wagon (long zither) are believed to have been made in the latter half of the 12th century (the end of the Heian period). The most interesting feature of the sho is the presence of byojo (rectangular finger-holes which determine pitch) on the reverse side of two of the bamboo pipes (ya and mo). Byojo are also found on the 8th century sho, found at the Shosoin, the imperial repository of Nara. The discovery of byojo on a Heian period instrument challenges the general view that the use of byojo had died out. Moreover, the Heian period instrument's ya and mo are tuned in almost perfect agreement to the sho in the Shosoin. Another notable characteristic is that the placement of finger holes is not in a horizontal line, but in a diagonal rising to the left, in this respect also mirroring the Shosoin instrument. From the latter half of the Heian period the placement of the finger holes is in a horizontal line as in modern instruments, thus the discovery of the Wakamiya sho would indicate that the transition from diagonal to the horizontal placement occurred within the Heian period. According to the Wakamiya shrine records of 1137 this sho was an offering from Fujiwara Tadazane. However, markings on the instrument indicate that the sho had been played prior to this dedication ceremony, indicating the sho was made pre 1137. Parallels with the Shosoin sho (specifically the pre sence of byojo and the positioning of the finger holes), coupled with evidence of wear on the instrument, lead one to surmise that this instrument was made between the middle and the end of the Heian period. The lacquering used on the wind chamber (ho) is representative of techniques used at the end of the Heian period and it shows no evidence of having been played prior to the ceremony. Therefore it was probably new at the time of the dedication. All of the bamboo pipes have the pitch name inscribed on them. The most significant feature of the wagon is that the end portion of the body does not have the usual six protuberances, but instead resembles flower petals, similar to the wagon of the Shosoin. This indicates that the modern shape of the wagon must have evolved after the Heian period. In addition, bark remains on part of the body of the instrument, as well as the nesting holes of insects that lived inside the tree from which it was made. As this kind of wood was not generally used for wagon instruments it seems that there is significance behind its selection. Although there are signs that the instrument had strings there are no markings to suggest it was ever performed, thus it appears that it was made as an offering to the shrine. The precise year the wagon was made is unknown, however its presence appears in the records from the Kasuga Taisha of 1236, indicating that it was probably dedicated to Wakamiya sometime after the shrine was built (in 1135).
In July 2000 the author undertook fieldwork among the Yao, an ethnic minority in southern China, in the three locations; 1) Lipu Prefecture in the Guang Xi Zhuang Autonomous District; 2) Jin Xiu Yao Self-Governing Prefecture; and 3) He Kou Yao Prefecture in Yunnan Province. As a result of this fieldwork I learnt that the central role of percussion instruments in Yao musical performance is considered a long-standing tradition. Using my initial training as historical musicologist I decided to study historical documents relating to changgu (hourglass-shaped drum) and tonggu (“bronze drum”), two major musical instruments of the Yao, and to relate the results of my historical research to that of my ethnomusicological fieldwork. Analysis of Tang and Song Dynasty literature gave the following insights into the development of Yao music: Firstly, evidence of diachronic change in the changgu tradition and suggestions of methods of transition of the repertoire came to light. Examination of a district magazine published in the Qing Dynasty indicated that the name of the instrument and the materials of the parts of the instrument have changed over time. Furthermore, one of the most interesting characteristics of the Yao dance, the physical posture of the dancers namely, reminiscent of the position of farmers when weeding, appears to be related to similar descriptions of movement found in the literature. Finally, the literature indicates that the high status of the tonggu, a type of gong treasured by the Yao, may have originated in the Sui Dynasty. The author is of the opinion that the methodology presented, which attempts to correlate historical studies with cultural anthropology, may be used to expand the research perspectives concerning music of minority cultures.