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The symbolic landscapes of a nation are important clues to the human-landscape relation, which is an aspect of the relationship between the people and their environment. Mt. Fuji was long the typical symbolic landscape of modern Japan, as can be seen in textbooks for use in elementary schools. I examined the symbolism of Mt. Fuji in textbooks to suggest tendencies in the relationships between Japanese and their environment. The results are as follows:
1) Mt. Fuji appeared in the primary school textbooks from Meiji Era until 1945. The mountain was presented as the sublimest mountain in Japan through textbooks for reading, drawing, and singing, whose contents were inter connected. Consequently, children learned a certain image of Mt. Fuji.
2) Mt. Fuji was praised as the sublimest mountain of Japan in order to make children sympathize with the sentiments of Japanese adults, who were supposed to admire Mt. Fuji. At the same time, children were taught that the national sentiment was focused on the image of Mt. Fuji.
3) The relation between the nation and school children as illustrated in teaching materials concerning Mt. Fuji is shown graphically in Fig. 5. The materials formalized the appearance of Mt. Fuji and formed a specific image of it. Children learned the materials and internalized a certain image of the mountain. The image validated the content of the materials and suggested the national sentiment. Through this process of learning, children came to obscurely understand the concept of a national sentiment.
4) The national sentiment of Japan that was used as a unifying concept was a Vague idea escaping logical grasp; therefore the education inevitably stressed impressions rather than logic. Mt. Fuji was seen to be the best material for that kind of education.
5) The relation between Mt. Fuji and the national sentiment seems to have been sustained by an “intentionality to legitimacy”. The national sentiment was supposed to have legitimacy, although the foundation of that legitimacy was not shown. On the other hand, Mt. Fuji was given legitimacy through the formalization of its appearance. Therefore, Mt. Fuji was chosen as the image of legitimacy to suggest the content of the national sentiment.
Changes in architecture reflect interactions among social groups, each of which seems to have a certain “meaning matrix” that is the implicit knowledge required for understanding the meaning of things. Disagreements over meaning matrices occasionally bring about laws regulating the style of architecture. In this paper, the author examines the relation between law and the architecture of Japanese “lovers' inns, ” which are inns with eye-catching facades and screened entrances, catering to couples for short-time or overnight stays, from the viewpoint of the interaction of two social groups; the owners of these inns and local residents.
1) The historical changes in lovers' inns architecture are as follows:
1950s: Inns displaying hot spring symbols were located in city centers.
1960s-early 1970s: Western-style architecture appeared, and “gorgeous” motels imitating Western castles or cruisers proliferated along suburban highways.
Late 1970s-1980s: The appearance of love-hotels (lovers' inns located on urban streets) has become “subdued.”
2) The owners and planners of lovers' inns have had a tendency to use striking decor in order to attract people's attention.
3) Local residents have a desire to conceal things concerning sex, which results in demands for a “subdued” appearance and the exclusion of lovers' inns from residential areas.
4) Reflecting the viewpoint of local residents, regulations covering the appearance, the inside structure, and the location of lovers' inns have been established.
5) The relation between law, architecture, and meaning matrices is shown in Fig. 4. Owners and planners build the inns. Local residents perceive the inns' appearance through their own meaning matrix. When the architecture is not acceptable to the local residents, laws are established, which are implicitly recognized by them. The owners understand the laws and change the style of architecture.
Landscape can be considered as place in terms of phenomenological geography. In this paper, the author examines the concept of landscape with reference to that of place, and proposes a con-cept of “story” in order to prepare a framework for the study of landscape change synchronous with our consciousness change. The results are as follows:
1) Landscape is the life-world on which our belief in objective reality is founded, and is a repository of meaning. Therefore, the concept of landscape coincides with that of place as a space with value and meaning.
2) Place is not only an object of intentionality but also a process of intentionality. According to Nishida Kitaro's (1926) theory of place, place is the field of consciousness, which means that place is also the process of recognition. We call this aspect of place a “meaning matrix”, the implicit knowledge required for understanding meaning, such as a standard for judgment or a view of value.
3) It is “story” that represents the meaning of landscape. A story is a discourse on objects-a legend, an article, or a picture and indicates the trend of history. The subject and landscape are changing together, influencing each other in parallel with a “story” (see Fig. 4).
4) The task ahead for landscape study is to understand the self-understanding of a social group by analyzing its “story”, and to clarify the structure of the meaning matrix.
活断層の活動度を評価するためには,ネットスリップの速度を求める必要がある.その場合,ネットスリップ速度の鉛直成分(鉛直スリップ速度)は,変位地形の簡易測量から容易に求められるが,水平成分(水平スリップ速度)を求めるのは,一般に困難である.本稿では,水平スリップの速度を地形学的証拠(段丘崖の方向とオフセットの速さ)から求める方法を示し,その方法を伊那盆地北部の活断層に適用した.結果として,従来大部分がB級の活断層と認定されていた天竜川右岸の各断層は,いずれも鉛直スリップの速さに比べて水平スリップの速さが大きい低角逆断層であり, A級の活動度を持つことが示された.