In the early 1980s, Indonesia witnessed the extrajudicial killings of thousands of hoodlums by security forces. The victims’ bodies were left at prominent public places. Because the authorities did not admit to any involvement, the Indonesian media termed the killings “Petrus,” which means “mysterious shootings.” This thesis aims to analyze the ruling style of Suharto’s regime by considering the mass killings.

From the beginning, the Suharto regime regarded Indonesian society as a legitimate target for intelligence activities and machinations, as symbolized by the existence of Operasi Khusus (Opsus); this was initially a team set up for the army’s intelligence work in Malaysia, but later became institutionalized to rule over Indonesian society. Applying intelligence and machinations to maintain domestic rule may be considered a rational step for the authorities. Given that other strong political ideologies still had deep roots in society, it was extremely difficult to create the Golkar system based on the state-sponsored Pancasila ideology by means of repression alone. Thus, the government had to rely on intelligence operations, such as machinations, provocations, and propaganda that justified the repression of potential enemies.

This thesis, based on interviews, seeks to show that many victims of Petrus were hoodlums who had been recruited as agents for covert operations. They were organized under Ali Moertopo, the head of Opsus and Suharto’s right-hand man in the early days of the regime. Though there has long been a speculation that the real target of Petrus was Moertopo’s network, the rumors have not been substantiated.

My argument is as follows. The Suharto regime, in its effort to build up the Golkar system, often used intelligence machinations toward members of its own society to eliminate or weaken potential enemies. This ruling style naturally alienated a specific societal group and created social divisions. The target of Petrus (or in any case, one of the main targets) were the hoodlums who had been used as a tool for such machinations. After their mission was over, the hoodlums came to be seen as unnecessary and dangerous; they were eliminated themselves through another huge machination—Petrus. In this context, Petrus symbolized a fundamental contradiction in the Suharto regime, which sought the thorough permeation of “harmonious” Pancasila ideology, but, in reality, could not rule the country without dividing society.

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Il presente saggio si prefigge di mettere in luce come Pier Paolo Pasolini, autore che si esprime sia mediante la letteratura (poesia e romanzo) sia mediante il cinema, considerasse la sceneggiatura, da lui ritenuta importante forma intermedia di collegamento tra i due mezzi espressivi. Il nostro scopo e quello di aggiungere un tassello, per quanto piccolo, alla comprensione ancora incompleta in Giappone di un autore cosi complesso. Pasolini intrattiene i primi contatti con il mondo attraverso la sua collaborazione alla sceneggiatura de La donna del fiume di Mario Soldati nel 1953. Da allora, se si comprendono anche quelle non realizzate, si occupa di 36 sceneggiature, quasi tutte concentrate nel periodo che va fino al 1962. Questo lavoro di sceneggiatore, che fa soprattutto per vivere, provoca in Pasolini autore due tipi di insoddisfazione: uno e il sentirsi "insabbiato" nel sistema spesso adottato di far scrivere la sceneggiatura a piu mani e l'altro, nel caso fortunato in cui possa scrivere da solo, il vedere sfasata nella pellicola l'immagine concepita in fase di scrittura. Si trova cioe nella situazione antinomica di "artigiano" che deve applicarsi al lavoro commissionatogli e di "artista" che mira a ottenere la propria espressione personale. Questo conflitto, unito alle sue esperienze come regista, lo induce a riflettere sulla natura della sceneggiatura. I suoi pensieri si condensano nel saggio del 1965 La sceneggiatura come "struttura che vuol essere un'altra struttura", in cui Pasolini giunge alla conclusione originale che la sceneggiatura "puo essere considerata una 'tecnica' autonoma, un'opera integra e compiuta in se stessa". Quando un autore adotta la "tecnica" della sceneggiatura, accetta come struttura della sua "opera in forma di sceneggiatura" l'allusione a un'opera cinematografica "da farsi". Struttura, questa, che non esiste in altri prodotti letterari e che comporta una collaborazione particolare da parte del lettore. Nella sceneggiatura infatti il "segno" allude al significato secondo la strada percorsa comunemente delle lingue scritte e nel contempo allude allo stesso significato rimandando al film da farsi. L'autore di una sceneggiatura ha quindi necessita di chiedere al lettore una partecipazione assai piu intensa di quella richiesta per esempio da un romanzo. Senza questa operazione di collaborazione, la sceneggiatura appare incompleta, dal momento che l'incompletezza ne rappresenta un elemento stilistico. Con l'intervento attivo del lettore diventa dunque completa, generando in modo quasi automatico la visualizzazione del film da farsi. Nella sceneggiatura, cioe, oltre al "grafema" e al "fonema", agisce a livello della coscienza del lettore un terzo elemento essenziale, quello del "cinema". Pasolini definisce i cinemi come "immagini primordiali, monadi visive", che si staccano dagli altri due elementi, diventano autonome e, coordinandosi, costituiscono un sistema di "im-segni" a parte. Fondamentale e il fatto che la struttura della sceneggiatura e dinamismo puro, tensione che si muove dalla struttura stilistica narrativa della letteratura verso la struttura stilistica del cinema. Questo dinamismo permette, nella sceneggiatura, di definire in termini strutturali i due stadi, la struttura letteraria e quella cinematografica, e nel tempo stesso di rivivere empiricamente il passaggio dall'uno all'altro. Il saggio qui esaminato considera gli aspetti strutturali della sceneggiatura analizzandone la peculiarita in modo del tutto teorico. E percio possibile ricevere l'impressione che l'argomento non sia stato del tutto sviscerato e per questa ragione alcuni studiosi hanno effettivamente parlato di punti deboli nella teoria pasoliniana. Tuttavia,

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This paper examines the production conditions of Chinese language films in America between 1933 and 1948 by analyzing historical materials and available films belonging to that period.

Over 30 Cantonese films were made in America between 1933 and 1948. Most of these films were produced by the Grandview Film Company, which was established by a Chinese immigrant, Joseph Chiu. Section one of this study traces the details of how Grandview Film Company began shooting Chinese language films in America and why it moved to Hong Kong soon after its foundation. Section two focuses on a film, The Light of Overseas Chinese (1940), and suggests that after the Sino-Japanese War broke out in 1937, this film, made in America, played an important role in constructing a unified overseas Chinese identity. Section three investigates the effect of the improvement in the status of Chinese immigrants after the Exclusion Act was abolished in 1943 and analyzes the symbolic structures in the film Eternal Love (1947). This investigation highlights the fact that these films, which were made in the process of identity transition, reflected the unsettled identity of Chinese immigrants.

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En castellano se observa una fuerte asociación del género gramatical con el sexo de referente en los nombres de persona. Uno de los casos más conocidos y discutidos últimamente es la feminización de los nombres profesionales, que ha dado origen a una serie de investigaciones sobre la representación de mujeres. Sin embargo hasta ahora no han llamado mucha atención los términos masculinos que se refieren a varones. En este trabajo intentamos comparar la formacion de nombres femininos de mujer y la de masculinos de varón con el propósito de ofrecer un nuevo punto de vista a los estudios del género en la lengua castellana.
En primer lugar repensamos la definicion de la feminización y masculinizacion aportando algunos ejemplos. Entre ellos destaca el derivado regresivo “modisto” formado a partir de “modista”.
Luego observamos los procesos de recategorización del nombre no humano al humano. En estos procesos se observa la aparición de nuevos nombres masculinos que aluden al sexo masculino e incluye el cambio de género gramatical primigenio del sustantivo (ej. una fiera-un fiera, la estrella-el estrella). En cambio no se observa el mismo recurso en sentido contrario (de masculino a femenino) cuando se menciona el sexo femenino. La formación neológica de sustantivos femeninos con referencia sexual en general se limita a los procesos de feminización, como han comprobado muchos estudios realizados hasta la fecha.
Esta situación nos lleva a suponer que la formacion de nombres masculinos se asocia con la humanización, y la de los femeninos con el ser sexuado. Aquí se podrá ver otra asimetria en el género gramatical del idioma castellano.

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フランスの

監督クレール・ドゥニの作品の大きな特徴は、その不可解さにある。しばしば心理的な説明が欠如し、間接的な仕方で物語理解に必要な情報が観客に与えられる。その遠回しな表現には、意味を遅延させ明白な結論を妨げる不透明さがある。本稿では、このようなドゥニの作品の不透明性をめぐり、『ネネットとボニ』（1996年）における電話や匂い、水面、ガラスといったモチーフを手掛かりに、登場人物間のコミュニケーションの問題を明らかにするとともに、それを観客とイメージの関係へと敷衍して考察を行う。まず電話は、偽造されたテレホンカードによる無作為なつながりを形成することで物語の中心をずらすとともに、主人公の家族の血縁的なつながりの断絶を強調する。次に水面は、物語終盤に起こる主人公ネネットの中絶未遂や家族の過去の秘密を暗示する。水面はまた、中絶未遂の場面で、浴室のガラスへと引き継がれる。ガラスは、浴室からの異臭に気づき、妹を助けようとする兄ボニおよび観客とネネットとの間に視覚的な不自由さをもたらすだけでなく、ネネットの赤ん坊をボニが誘拐する場面で、防音ガラスのようにも機能し、場面の劇的効果を減じる。このようにドゥニは、ガラスを活用して視聴覚的な障壁を観客との間に築く。観客をイメージから遠ざける一方で、その触感的視覚性によって、イメージに対する観客のより一層の注意をも喚起する。容易かつ即時的な理解を回避させること。そこには、イメージに対する観客の自発性を求める監督の姿勢が垣間見える。

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二〇世紀末のほんの一〇年ほどの間にアイルランドは、未曾有の好景気によってECの「お荷物」から「世界一暮らしやすい国」へと大きな変貌を遂げた。ところが、その急激さゆえに、国民の意識はその変化に追いついてゆけない、あるいは目が眩んでいる状態にある。本稿は、この変化がアイルランド人のアイデンティティの認識にどのような影響を与えたかについて、主にロディ・ドイルの小説を通して考察するものである。第一章では、長い間ヨーロッパの貧困国であったアイルランドが、「世界一暮らしやすい国」になるまでの歴史的背景を整理した。第二章では好景気前のアイルランド人の意識を探り、第三章ではアメリカ文化の浸透を論じ、第四章の二十一世紀における意識の変化へと発展させた。

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  This paper focuses on the position of “Ju-ken” matches and their promoter, Kenji Kano, in Japanese boxing history. A “Ju-ken” match was a match between a judoist and a boxer, and such bouts were held from the middle of the Taisho era to the early Showa era in Kobe, Tokyo and Osaka. The main organizer of these matches was the “International Ju-ken club”, whose owner Kenji Kano was the nephew of Jigoro Kano. This study divides the history of Ju-ken into three periods, each with respective features.
  The first period was from October 1919 to April 1921. Ju-ken at this time was intended to reform judo into a competitive sport through fighting with boxing. Although judo had been well established at that time, it was facing a challenge due to loss of its spirit and form as a martial art during the process of sportification. Jigoro Kano, the founder of Judo, was unhappy with this change. By studying boxing, karate, aikido, stick fighting and other martial arts, he aimed at creating a ‘Martial Art Judo’. His nephew Kenji Kano pursued martial art-oriented judo as well, but his approach to reconstructing judo as a martial art was through mixed martial arts games, the “Ju-ken match”.
  The middle period was from May 1921 to March 1925, when Ju-ken evolved into a spectator sport that encapsulated the struggle for superiority in terms of nationality and ethnicity. Because Kodokan prohibited their members from participating in any mixed-martial arts match from April 1921, Ju-ken became a spectator sport. In addition, after charity matches following the Great Kanto Earthquake, in order to bring more excitement to the game, Ju-ken heightened the opposition and rivalry based on the nationalities and ethnicities of the athletes.
  The final period was from April 1925 to August 1931, when Ju-ken changed into a show that was intended to provoke nationalistic emotions among the audience. After the development of “normal” boxing, Ju-ken held normal boxing matches in their games and adopted new boxing-like rules. These new rules and the point systems put foreign boxers at a disadvantage when fighting against Japanese judoists, ensuring that Japanese would always defeat foreigners.
  Finally, through assimilation of knowledge and focusing on boxing, this study argues that Ju-ken matches created a background for localization of modern boxing in Japan.

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The purpose of this paper is to clarify the characteristics of architectural drawing “A FRUIT PARLOR” by Michizo Tachihara. The conclusions are as follows.

1. The submission date of “A FRUIT PARLOR” had to be December 6, 1935, not the end of October or November 1936.

2. “A FRUIT PARLOR” shows a strong connection between his literature and architecture.

3. We indicate the possibility that “A FRUIT PARLOR” is designed as an alternative to “Mansada”.

4. “A FRUIT PARLOR” is a work expressing his own architectural view in which architecture is considered as a part of the scenery.

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The purpose of this paper is to discuss why John Reith, the first Director-General of the BBC, had sympathy for fascism despite his pursuit of the independence of broadcasting from government control. In Japan, it is hardly known that his political thought was quite elitist. This paper shows that it was his elitism to make him pursue independence of the BBC from government control. Because he distrusted government elected by mass votes, he tried to establish public corporations which might be independent from it and enable elites to control the society without suffering from mass democracy.

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フランシスコ・アヤラ Francisco Ayala の短編集『仔羊の頭』(La cabeza del cordero 1949) は「人々の心のなかの内戦」、つまり「内戦を育む人間の情念」を描く。内戦後、アヤラ文学の基本要素となる物語の断片化という手法を用いて内戦の主要舞台となったスペイン各地の都市や地方を、そして左派・右派と多様な背景をもった登場人物を各短編に登場させる。各短編でのこうした都市や人物たちを、壊れた鏡─『仔羊の頭』で提示された分裂状態の内戦下のスペイン─の破片とみなしてひとつに合わせると、スペイン全土の地図、そして勝者も敗者もいないさまざまなスペイン人の目録ができあがる。つまり物語の断片がひとつになったときに初めて『仔羊の頭』が描く内戦の全景が見えてくる。アヤラの内戦をめぐる体験、そしていまだに内戦での経験と記憶に苦しんだ、または苦しんでいる多くのスペイン人の悲しい体験が作品に加えられたことにより、読者はスペイン内戦の全景を彼らと共有することができるのである。

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Most of the literatures on the Japanese occupation of the Philippines in the local setting tend to focus on the “achievements” of anti-Japanese guerrilla movements. Meanwhile, except for some academic works conducted by the American historian, Alfred McCoy, other aspects of the Japanese occupation in rural areas of the country—such as political strife or factionalism among the local elites—have been avoided in discussions since it has been tabooed since the end of the Asia-Pacific War. Taking the academic gap into consideration, this article examines the memory of the war among local residents in certain area of the Philippines, Leyte. Interviews were conducted in the province of Leyte, focusing on political violence or atrocities in three towns—Ormoc, Abuyog, and La Paz. This article also clarifies that war atrocities in the province were attributed not only to the Japanese occupation policy but also to the political factionalism among the local elites, regardless of their political stance toward the Japanese occupying forces. Their political ambition became quite fierce during the Japanese occupation period, leading to bloody outcomes in each municipality. After the war, the elites’ violence or atrocities were “absolved” by local residents so they could establish their political and economic hegemony over the province.

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I Introduction II The Russian Revolution and the American Intellectuals III The New Deal Coalition and the Left-Intellectuals IV The End of Ideology and the American Ideology
In contrast with the question posed by Werner Sombart at the turn of the century in the title of a book, “Why Is there No Socialism in the United States?”, this article examines the ideological adaptability of American Liberalism, as a surrogate for socialism, to the contemporary crisis home and abroad.
The impact of Russian Revolution on American liberals who shared the optimistic expectation of the inevitable spread of democracy throughout the world, had failed to impress them as a challenge on the basic value-system of American regime, because of the misunderstanding about the nature of the Bolshevik regime by the narcissistic projection of American creed. That moralistic idealism, often indicated by the reformist prejudice for the machine politics, had prevented from the. understanding about the nature of “Revolution of rising expectation” in the developing areas.
In addition to the creed, the unique character of New Deal coalition in terms of the ethnic, cultural heterogenity, the nationalization of socialism during the happy day of “popular front”, had contributed to the postponement of radical reapprasement of American creed. After the war, the democratic coalition had become so furiously disintegrated by 1952. The domestic crisis in the tortuous period of political indecision and pluralistic stagnation at a decisive turning point in America and world history, is largely a refection of the fact that the nation no longer has an effective majority and never has an stable organized opposition.
Although the American Liberalism, saved by the twenty-five years' war, hot and cold, survived under the optimistic atomosphere of “The end of Ideology”, we cannot neglect the fact that “The end of Ideology” did not mean “The end of American Ideology”, particulary for the hard-boild, tough-minded realists.
On the other hand, the reaction to “hard-boild” radicalism, with its exaggerated faith in the efficiency of direct political involvement during the day of “popular front”, often took form of the exaggerated skeptism about politics. However, it is no accident that “brilliant realists” of the Kennedy Administration has been so little concerned with the non-European world that the underdeveloped areas home and abroad was the blind spot of the Kennedy foreign policy as well as the negro problems.

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