This paper reviews the effect of urban development from the case study on street people in Manila, Philippines. Over recent years, economic globalization has given rise to capital investment in urban space throughout the world cities attended by restructuring of the street jobs. In previous studies, street vending is often studied within the framework of the informal sector. At the same time, the limitations of traditional informal/formal dichotomy had been discussed in several arena of urban studies. This paper will review the critical discussion of previous theory on informalities in order to study the context of stratification of vendors in Manila by citing Ananya Roy's urban informality theory. Roy critically stated that informality is produced by the state and pointed out the borderlessness of informality and formality. This paper shares Roy's idea of urban informality and examine the stratification of street vendors through labor analysis. It will explain the detailed restrictions of vending style and show how the selected vendors are becoming informal. As a result, it points out the importance of focusing labor analysis together with spatial analysis in urban studies. All data and information for this paper were gathered between September 2013 and September 2019.

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Charles Tilly (1929-2008) was a boundary-less scholar, who liked to think of his own approach as akin to Mozart. His works cover a wide range of topics, such as state-formation, revolution, collective violence, social movements, urban history, and sociological methods. However, as Sidney Tarrow posits, “even Tilly never completely integrated his work on war and state-building with his work on revolutions and contentious politics.” Did Tilly's two major topics, state-formation and contentious politics, remain disjunct ad finem? This article discusses the various aspects of his work, and ascertains whether his works on (de-)democratization and regime-contention interactions successfully integrate state-formation and contentious politics. The books Tilly wrote in his final years provide systematic accounts on how trust networks can be connected with public politics, and how low/high capacity regimes can be changed in interaction with contentious politics. Thus, to conclude, Tilly did not fail to integrate state and contention in his innovative historical political sociology. Moreover, his latest works are based on political opportunity structure theory and methodological nationalism, which make his arguments more innocuous than his arguments in his earliest work, The Vendée (1964) (this work drew a lively picture of state institutions and political actors, all in the making).

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　　The aim of this paper is to approach “the problem of order of subcultural groups", derived from Claude S. Fischer's “Subcultural Theory of Urbanism", by analyzing a shopping center organization in Mid-Tokyo's amusement district, Kabukichô. “The problem of order of subcultural groups" can be summarized as the problem of how urban society, consisting of various subcultural groups, can avoid collapsing despite its presence within a highly unstable situation.
　　For this purpose of this study, the following methods were adopted: (1) interviewing members of the shopping center organization, shop-owners, officers of the local government and the police, (2) participant observation in various activities such as meetings and patrol activities of the shopping center organizations and (3) surveying official/unofficial documents and statistics.
　　It was found that the shopping center organization in Kabukichô has dualistic organization, consisting of both “The Shopping Center Promotion Union" and “Chô-kai-s (communities of shoppers)". Under dualistic organization, the shopping center organization has dual membership criteria and activity zoning. It has a Janus-like nature to it, which is to say, a nature that mediates between the sex industries and the local government that tries to avoid them at any cost. Because of its dualistic organization, the shopping center organization can achieve a very delicate balance between various actors under the situation that Kabukichô accommodates many sex industries.

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反社会的勢力による被害防止という社会的要請を受けて，各種保険約款にも反社会的勢力との関係遮断を目的とする反社会的勢力排除のための規定が設けられ，保険契約者や被保険者等が，暴力団やその構成員のみならず，暴力団関係企業や共生者と呼ばれる反社会的勢力との密接な交際関係を有する者に該当する場合にも，保険者は該当する契約の解除をすることができることが定められている。このうち，とりわけ反社会的勢力と「社会的に非難されるべき関係」を有していると認められる場合の解除の可否について，約款条項に求められる条項の明確性という点を中心に，他分野（行政における入札参加の指名停止基準や銀行の普通預金規定等）における反社会的勢力排除条項の規定や解釈などとも比較検討を行った。共生者（反社会的勢力に対する利益提供やその不当利用）に限定しない解除規定は，柔軟に解除事由の該当性を判断できるメリットがある反面，裁量の幅が大きいことによる外延の不明確さがあることは否定できない。さらに，警察からの通報や情報提供に連動する形で排除が進むことになるが，その効果として解除が過大な制裁とならないかも懸念されるところである。

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The fall of Suharto’s authoritarian regime and the subsequent dissolution of vertical political patronage led to an upsurge of mass mobilization based on religion and/or ethnicity. In Jakarta, newly emerged vigilante groups that initially sought to represent small-scale neighborhood communities rapidly grew in size by receiving endorsements from local political authorities as well as by gaining extensive popular support. Despite their persistent association with violence and illicitness in popular discourse, some of those vigilante groups quickly increased their membership to hundreds of thousands. Highlighting the activities of the Forum Betawi Rempug (FBR), one of the biggest of these groups, this paper explains the causes, processes, and consequences of its expansion.

The nature of the Betawi ethnic identity that has been constructed over decades, as well as an alternative mode of populist discourse that became prevalent in Jakarta during the last couple of decades, were the key background conditions through which such groups expanded in both size and geographic reach. These conditions also led to a loosely disciplined and highly autonomous organizational structure.

An explanation of this process calls for a radical revision of the conventional model of ethnic mobilization that takes for granted disciplined organization and hierarchical control. In contemporary Jakarta, successful mass mobilization is not the sheer result of people’s response to populist calls. Attention must be paid to the logic of the mobilized in order to explain why vigilante organizations have been able to gain popular support despite their notorious reputation. This paper investigates the perspectives of the mobilized by focusing on neighborhood-level activities of the FBR. In so doing, it exemplifies how some residents perceive the FBR as a provider of potential socioeconomic resources for the enhancement of their life environment.

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