Because of the limited availability of arable land and the heavy population pressure in China, the government has enforced agricultural policies such as the cultivation of grasslands, domiciliation, combined agro-pastoral land use, and household production responsibility system to resolve the problem of food shortage and promote sustainable development in inland China. The pastoral region of the semiarid zone in Inner Mongolia, however, witnessed environmental deterioration in the form of desertification due to the expansion of cultivated land, excessive firewood consumption, and overgrazing. Hence, the government implemented environmental policies such as the prohibition of pasturage and the so-called ecological migration since the beginning of the twenty-first century to prevent desertification and further environmental deterioration. At the same time, urbanization has rapidly advanced in Inner Mongolia due to resource development and industrialization, which not only led to the expansion of the existing urban area but also resulted in the growth of small towns in rural regions. While numerous studies on the environmental changes in Inner Mongolia after the post-1978 reforms have been done, little is known about the regional differences with regard to the land use in the whole of Inner Mongolia after 2000. This study aims to clarify the regional differences with regard to the land use change in relation to the environmental policies and urbanization between 2000 and 2005. The author conducts a quantitative analysis of the data concerning the area of land use types for each county in 2000 and 2005 calculated by the Inner Mongolia Land Survey Institute based on the satellite image analysis. In analyzing the distribution of land use types, factor analysis is applied to the data matrix of the percentages of land use types with 178 (89 counties by 2 time periods) rows and 9 (land use types) columns. To grasp the changes of land use types, the author analyzes the difference of factor scores for each county between the two time periods. Four factors with an Eigen value of 1.0 or higher is extracted and a varimax rotation is applied to these factors. These factors can be labeled as "farmland", "urban land use", "woodland vs. grassland", and "degraded land", respectively. By applying cluster analysis to the factor scores, the counties are classified into five types of the regions: urbanized area, agro-pastoral region, grasslands, forests, and degraded land. Little change in the distribution of these types regions between 2000 and 2005 is observed. Nevertheless, difference of factor scores in each county between two time periods reveals the regional variations of land use change within Inner Mongolia. Increase in the scores for Factor 1 that represents the expansion of farmland show that agriculture has spread from agro-pastoral region to semi-arid region. Increase in the scores for Factor 2 concerning urban land use indicates that urbanization has advanced in the cities in the drainage area of the Yellow River and other industrial cities. Positive scores for Factor 3 indicating increase woodlands and decrease grasslands are found in the eastern and southern part of the study area, which reflects the farmland afforestation policy. The decrease in the scores for Factor 4 appears in the periphery of the Keerqinzuoyizhong desert and Ordos plateau, which indicates that desertification has settled down. On the other hand, increase in the scores for Factor 4 in the drainage basin of the Yellow River shows that desertification and soil alkalization supposedly caused by irrigation or draught hazard have taken place there. As shown in this paper, the effect of the recent transition of government policy can be observed in land use changes. In addition, the result of this study shows that major cities and their surroundings are influenced by urbanization.

抄録全体を表示

Under Ch'ing 清 rule, most of the Mongolian tribes were organized under the Cirulran-qosiru system or league-banner system. But the three necessary conditions of establishment of qosiru, that is, the organization of sumun and qamjilr-a, the supply of pasture for qosiru and the appointment of jasar, meant radical change for the existing Mongol order and especially meant bureaucratization of Mpngolian noyans. Concerning pasture land, this system meant delimitation of qosiru's pasture. So it is very difficult to imagine the introduction of this system into Mongolia taking place within a short time. This paper discusses when the pasture's delimited border was established among the Qalq-a Mongols. In the case of the Qalq-a Mongols, it is said that this system was introduced at the conference of Dolun narur in 1691 or the 30th Year of Emperor K'ang-hsi 康煕. But the objective conditions of the Qalq-a in 1691 could not have permited such radical reforms. This is because they had been fleeing to Southern Mongolia from the invasion of Γaldan Bosurtu qaran since 1688. Γaldan died in 1697 and the Qalq-a Mongol returned to Outer Mongolia, but the Ch'ing dynasty took a prudent attitude in compelling a delimited qosiru border on the Qalq-a, because of their cooperation in the struggle against Cewengrabdan's Jegun rar force. Moreover the Ch'ing dynasty could not border their pasture, which often moved because of an unstable military balance between Jegun rar and the Ch'ing force. Although the defeat of Jegun rar by the Ch'ing conquest during 1755-1757 cleared all obstacles to compulsory establishment of this system all over Qalq-a, the Ch'ing government continuously took care because of Qalq-a resistances, for example the rebelion of Cinggunjab or the movement for secession from Ch'ing rule to Russia. For this duration, pasture was regulated by the Qalq-a Mongol nobles, not by imperial authority. Such conditions often gave rise to trouble between the Ch'ing government and Qalq-a nobles. A typical example was the request for extension of pasture land from Qalq-a nobles as well as from Cenggunjab, the lieutenant general of Uliyasutai. Such conditions were finally settled by the delimitation of ayimar's border by Batu, who was delegated by the emperor for this mission in 1781 or the 46th year of emperor Ch'ien-lung 乾隆. Soon after Batu's delimitation, banner's border was also delimited. I can therefore presume that the delimited banner's border was established soon after 1781 or the 46th year of emperor Ch'ien-lung. Furthermore, I can say that the Cirulran-qosiru system was substantially established after this time, and not at the conference of Dolun narur in 1691.

抄録全体を表示

This paper focuses on Mongyol-un sonin bicig, the first printed newspaper in the Mongolian language, published in the early 20^<th> century under Qing rule. By examining the context of its publication and the characteristics of its narrative, I will show that while Mongyol-un sonin bicig was published under the supervision of Russian editors and included advertisements that appealed to Russian merchants, several significant Mongolian intellectuals such as Almasocir and Qayisan, who were involved in the editing process, were using the paper as a medium to call for the Mongolian royalty and nobility to strengthen their consciousness of 'Mongolian fellowship'.

抄録全体を表示

モンゴルの遊牧という生業を規定するのはステップの自然環境である．しかし，遊牧民も社会や国家の中で生きており，人文社会的な事象が彼らの遊牧実践に大きく影響している．例えば近現代においては，社会主義化や民主化といった政治経済体制の変化が大きな影響を与えてきた．本稿では，科学技術や社会制度から波及する要素，主として諸インフラを取り上げて論じる．モンゴルにおける近現代に発生した質的変化として，セメントや重機を使った建築や井戸などの構造物の出現が挙げられる．例えば1950年代末から本格的に始まるネグデル期のインフラ構築は，学齢期の子供や高齢者の越冬地としての定住集落と，遊牧民の労働場所としての草原の双方を睨みながらの季節移動や営地選定といった，現在まで続く新たな空間利用の形態をもたらした．また移動技術と結びついたモータリゼーションも近現代の質的変化の一つである．2000年以降には季節移動の手段としての自己所有の自動車の普及や，放牧を含む近距離移動手段としてのバイクの利用などが頻繁にみられるようになった．また同時期に及した生活用具の中で，特に大きな影響力を持っていると思われるものは，発電機と蓄電池のセット，携帯電話，プラスチック容器などである．プラスチック容器は従来，世帯レベルでの商品化が困難であった乳製品を容易に運搬可能とした点で大きな意義があるが，その背景として携帯電話の普及によるコミュニケーションの簡便化，さらには携帯電話の利用を可能とする電力へのアクセスによってもたらされた変化である．現状ではインターネットが遊牧実践に及ぼす影響の更なる増大が予測される．近年，スマートフォンの普及に伴いSNS利用の拡大などが見られ，その結果インターネットへのアクセス可否が営地選定に大きな影響を及ぼしている．この新しいインフラの普及は過去の社会制度の変化や災害と同様，再び彼らの牧畜戦略を変化させる可能性がある．

抄録全体を表示

本稿では中国の「個人档案」を中心に、個人档案に関わる法制度、運用の現状、問題点について概説する。「個人档案」は、中国の計画経済体制下において、個人の進学や就職、昇進などに利用され、中国国民の私生活にも関わる重要なものである。よって、本稿では個人档案の重要性、新卒者の個人档案・社員档案・流動人口の档案の「移交」・保存について、事例を挙げながらその詳細を示すこととする。まず、中国の行政区画に基づいた国家档案館の階層管理方式、各階層の档案組織の役割・職責について紹介する。次に、根拠法である「中国档案法」に基づいて、個人档案の概要を示す。その後、日本と中国の戸籍制度の違いを踏まえたうえで、中国国民の就業直後から作成される「人事档案」の管理について説明する。最後に、管理制度のわかりにくさやその不透明性、また、記入標準の不足などによって生じている問題点を指摘する。

抄録全体を表示

They hold the horse racing in “_??_ (caGan sara) ” -New Year's festival in the old calendar and sometimes hold it for the tourism. Among these horse racing, it is the most popular that held in Naadam-festival the traditional summer festival with the horse racing, Mongolian-style wrestling and the archery in Mongolia.
In a case of the horse racing in the national Naadam-festival at a capital, Ulan Bator, about 400 horses are entered for the race, the riders are children from 5 to 12 years old. The horses are classified according to their age, and run a race from10 to 30km. The horses are gathered at the goal point at first, then a herd of the horses are moved to the start point at a trot. Finally, they turn in that place, and come running back the goal point. The best five horses are named “the five of _??_ (ayiraG) ” - “a _??_ p _??_ _??_” is the liquor made from milk of horses-, they are blessed and are poured “_??_” on their back.
At present, they held the horse racing as “the sports festival of nation”. The horse racing, however. has the aspects of the ritual, originally. The former researchers have interpreted the horse racing of Naadam games as “_??_ (obu) -festival” -the ritual for worship of the earth-or the ritual of sacrifice. It is true that Naadam-festival is held for “the sports festival of nation” nowadays, but, I think the element of the ritual in Mongolian horse racing is kept in Mongolian people feeling toward race horses, because they worship the racehorses as the especially animal. The racehorses are the objects of belief in Mongolia, because they are buried at “_??_ (obu) -mound” that is for worship of the earth, when they died.
By the way, many case studies of holy animal reported from every corner of the world. But the aspect of holy may vary with the context in which the animal live. If that is the case, how do I grasp the concept of holy towards the racehorses in Mongolia?
I examine this paper as follows; (1) making clear about horse culture in Mongolia and horse racing in Naadam-festival (2) report about the skill to select and train the racehorses (3) studying about the aspect of racehorses holy.
By the way, I study this paper on the basis of the data for six times field works from 1995 July to 1998 July.
In the first place, the nomads in Mongolia think the horse have closer relationship with human being than the other domestic animals. Based on the horse culture above mentioned, “y _??_ a q _??_ _??_ (uyaGCin) ”, he is a technical nomad keeping the racehorses, trains the horses most effectively according to the lineage and the character of each horse. For example, “_??_ (uyaGcin) ” gives the text of a sutra, “_??_ (geyin Goo) ” to the horses, and furthermore, he takes care of the horse by the special cloth for courtesy. After that, the simple horse becomes the racehorse. When the training succeed in this way, it gives full play to the racehorse's ability, and they thought the racehorse is given the holy.
Interestingly holy of racehorse given by the skill of “_??_ (uvaGcin) ” doesn't maintain. The race-horse is put out to grass like the others domestic animals again after the Naadam-festival. This shows the fact that there is “holy cycle of racehorse”, they have their own way of training and giving holy to the horse on the basis of traditional view of Mongolian nomads. Accordingly, I think the racehorse may be defined as the animal for sacrifice while being alive at present.
In current Mongolia, holy of the racehorse still exists through Naadam-festival, which is placed as the national sports

抄録全体を表示

In Outer Mongolia, two governments, the Autonomous Government of Outer Mongolia under Bogd khaan and the Provisional people's Government under Mongolian People's Party, existed side by side in 1921. However, in the research on the "History of the Revolution", the former has been defined as "Ungern's Puppet" or completely ignored, leading to the latter dominating the reseach. This article intends to relativize the two governments, focusing on the former and demonstrating its political situation in Mongolia at that time. After the abolition of autonomy in 1919, movements to revive it rose in Outer Mongolia. When Ungern Sternberg attacked Urga, the Mongols supported him and the Autonomous Government was revived. The reason why the Provisional People's Government was formed immediately after the Autonomous Government's revival was because of the influence exerted by Soviet Russia. The People's Party denounced the Autonomous Government for being ruled by Ungern in an attempt,to justify the establishment of its own new government. However, the Autonomous Government continued its activities and did not lose its faculties as a "government" after Ungern's rout. In addition, the Mongolian People's Party, which had defeated Ungern and entered Urga, demanded that the seals of the ministries of Autonomous Government be handed over. However, this contradition reflected the position of both governments in Mongolia, namely, the Autonomous Government was regarded as the legitimate one at that time, while the Provisional People's Government was not generally recognized. The transfer of seals aimed to refute the legitimacy of the Autonomous Government. This article points out that the Autonomous Government was regarded as the legitimate one, and held the key position in Mongolia from it's abolishment to the establishment of the people's Government. The reason why the conventional research on "the Mongolian Revolution" does not deal sufficiently with Autonomous Government is to conceal the contradictions surrounding the establishment of the People's Government. In recent years "re-examination" is prevailing and this article is part of creating a new view of "the Mongolian Revolution".

抄録全体を表示

This paper examines the scribes' training functions in the banner and league offices in the eastern two leagues-Tusiyetu qan ayimav and Cecen qan ayimav-in Outer Mongolia under the Qing rule as well as the scribes' school established at the minister-office of Yeke Kuriy-e in the late Qing period. Based mainly on historical official documents, the author sheds light on dating the time when the scribes' training was started at the league and banner offices, the methods and contents of education there and, furthermore, clarifies various details related to the scribes' training school of the late Qing period, such as the school management, contents of education and regulations. The conducted research attests to the significance the scribes' training system, established in Outer Mongolia under the Qing rule, had on Mongolian history. This system played an important role in accomplishing the document-based administration in Outer Mongolia. It was also a significant factor in promoting Mongolian culture through spreading Mongolian letters and improving the literacy rate in Mongolian society.

抄録全体を表示

A great deal of research has been done on the legal system in Mongolia during the Ch'ing period. But most of it is concerned with interpreting the Mongol Code (meng gu li 蒙古例) enacted by the Ch'ing government and tries to understand the judicial system in Mongolia in that way. There is no research which utilizes any actual judicial precedents. So there has been no way to see, except by speculation, (1)which code was actually effective, (2)how judgment was actually achieved, or (3)how leagues (cirulran) and banners (qosiru) actually functioned as judicial organs. In this paper the author collects and analyzes materials on judicial precedents in order to determine the actual process of the judicial system. He uses a collection of official documents (dang an 〓案) written in Mongolian. It was transcribed into the Cyrillic alphabet, titled as The oppression of Mongolian females in the period of the Manju invaders, and published at Ulan-bator in 1958. He also uses some other official documents photoengraved and introduced by K.Sagaster. The second chapter of The oppression of Mongolian females contains three documents exchanged between banners and leagues concerning an attempted murder which occurred in the left-wing-right-end (zuo yi you mo 左翼右末) banner of the Han-uul league in the Halha region. Looking at them, we can see the actual process of judgment. The outline of this incident is as follows. Two brothers stole three horses from a tayiji, but the bannerhead (jasar) ignored the Mongol Code and judged them by himself without reporting to his superiors. A daughter of the younger brother was given illegally to the tayiji in return for the stolen three horses and became a slave of the banner-head afterwards. Six years later she attempted to murder the banner-head and his wife, after she was incited by a man who had a grudge against the banner-head. The banner court of law sat again. Because she disclosed the illegal action of the banner-head in the second court of the league, the incident involved the banner-head himself and was reported to the emperor Qianlong (乾隆) by way of the minister dealing with the affairs in Huree (ku lun ban shi da chen 庫倫辧事大臣) and the board of foreign affairs (li fan yuan 理藩院). Finally the banner-head was deposed because of his illegal procedure and failure to report to his superiors, while the daughter was exiled to Canton, and the principal offender of the theft, her uncle, was sent to Hunan or Fukien. From these incidents, we can point out many legal facts which have not yet been appreciated. The first significant fact is the positive proof that the Mongol Code was applied in Mongolia during the Ch'ing period. And the second is the major principle that the Penal Code (xing lu・xing li 刑律・刑例) of the Ch'ing Code (da qing lu li 大清律例) was to be applied if there were no appropriate regulations in the Mongol Code. We can also bring out some other valuable facts : (1)the requirement that serious criminal cases had to be reported from banners to leagues and then to the board of foreign affairs, (2)the actual conditions at each level in which courts sat and the decisions were made and (3)the process of transporting criminals and witnesses from banners to leagues and then to Huree.

抄録全体を表示

筆者が1990年春から1994年秋まで,内蒙古遊牧地域において,延べ25ヶ月での内蒙古の一遊牧地域で現地参与調査を行った。本論においては,内蒙古遊牧地域における先行研究を批判的に参照しながら,調査資料に基づき,内蒙古遊牧地域における生業環境と生業方式の形態,及びそれと緊密に関連している妻方居住婚(uxorilocal marriage)の構成実態を明らかにし,内蒙古遊牧地域における双系相続のシステムおよび,それが未だに伝統的に持続している要因について考察する。これらの作業によって,現代内蒙古遊牧地域における社会構成の特質を明らかにすることを目的とする。

抄録全体を表示