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  • 柴山 滋
    オリエント
    1998年 41 巻 1 号 78-94
    発行日: 1998/09/30
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    The 'Abbasid rule had been declining since the tenth century. This decline intensified when Ibn Ra'iq was appointed Amir al-Umara' in 324/936. The appearance of Amir al-Umara' meant the beginning of the period of the rule by army corps in the Islamic world. It is necessary to explain the military organization of the army corps in order to understand the state of the Islamic world at that time. One of the army corps was Al-Baridis.
    The preceding studies which specially dealt with Al-Baridis followed their whole activity. But it is not enough to only study the special feature and historical position of Al-Baridis in Islamic history.
    In this paper, the author tries to investigate the military organization of Al-Baridis and the base of their power.
    As a result of studying Al-Baridis, the author made clear the following points:
    (1) The military of Al-Baridis consisted of the army and the river forces.
    (2) The army of Al-Baridis consisted of three kinds of military groups, that is, (1) part of ex-Yaqut's soldiers, (2)original military groups possessed by Al-Baridis (3) military groups organized by Al-Baridis after conquering Basra.
    (3) In case of the first group, the soldiers were part of non-Arab cavalrymen of the ex-'Abbasid soldiers (Turks), Daylamites, Barbars and Arabs. In case of the second group, the soldiers were three brothers of Al-Baridis and ghulams of them. In case of the third group, the soldiers were a part of non-Arab cavalrymen of the ex-'Abbasid soldiers (Turks), Daylamites, inhabitants of Basra and others.
    (4) The river forces consisted of many ships and their soldiers. But a type of ships and the soldiers were not clear.
    (5) We can see that the first group of the army was the most important group of all, and the existence of the river forces on a large scale was a characteristic of Al-Baridis's military.
    (6) The number of military were around 10, 000 people. We can see that Al-Baridis was a power which was mainly composed of private military groups from the ex-'Abbasid soldiers.
  • 中田 考
    宗教研究
    2004年 78 巻 2 号 243-267
    発行日: 2004/09/30
    公開日: 2017/07/14
    ジャーナル フリー
    西欧の宗教学は「神学」を出自とする。他方、イスラーム世界にはそもそも「神学」は存在せず、イスラーム学とは「宗教学」であった。しかるに西欧の宗教学はこのイスラームの「宗教学」を包摂する道を選ばず、かえってイスラームに「イスラーム研究(東洋学、地域研究)」という別の専攻を割り当て、イスラームを視野に収めることなくその「宗教」概念を構築してきた。こうして形成された西欧の宗教学もイスラーム研究も価値中立的な客観的記述を標榜するが、実はイスラームの真理性要求の拒否を無自覚な規範的前提としている。本稿は、言語の規範性の本質にまで遡り、イスラーム研究における規範主義的アプローチの必要/必然性を基礎付け、「イスラーム」の辞書的意味から出発して、「真のイスラーム」と「偽のイスラーム」の識別をこととし、伝統イスラーム学との接合、イスラーム世界との対話を可能ならしめる新しいイスラーム研究のパラダイムを提示する。
  • 中田 考
    オリエント
    1999年 42 巻 1 号 183-194
    発行日: 1999/09/30
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 中田 考
    オリエント
    1996年 39 巻 2 号 66-82
    発行日: 1996年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    In the history of Islamic legal thought, al-Juwaini's al-Ghiyathi is a unique work, because he devotes himself in its last chapter to dealing with the possibility of Mappo (borrowed from a Buddhist concept), the era of extinction of the Shari'a, not in an eschatological way but in a juristical way.
    He says that the knowledge of the fundamentals of Shari'a will be lost among people after the disappearance of its legal authorities, i. e., mujtahids and transmitters of madhhabs, which will occur after the disappearance of the political authorities, i. e., caliphs and sultans.
    According to his understanding, the extinction of the knowledge will happen not because of the lack and decrease of books, but because of the increase of hairsplitting debates and pedantic disputes which occupy so much the minds of people and students as to make them tired at last.
    al-Juwaini compares Muslims in the era of extinction of the Shari'a with people whom the message of Islam has not reached. He concludes that, besides the beliefs in the unity of God and the prophethood of Muhammad, Muslim's sole obligation in such an era is to make himself ready for observance of the prescriptions of Shari'a, hoping to get to know them someday. Because there is no obligation without receiving the divine commandments according to the Ash'ari school to which al-Juwaini belongs.
    In his opinion the details of the Shari'a can not be understood without guidance of its authorities. So the utmost which can be hoped in case the legal authorities as well as the political authorities have disappeared, is that individual muslims reconstruct the fundamentals of the Shari'a from the remaining writings on the subject and apply the fundamentals to their own situations.
  • 宣教国家サウディアラビアの成立と変質
    中田 考
    オリエント
    1995年 38 巻 1 号 79-95
    発行日: 1995/09/30
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab who started his Tawhid propagation in his hometown, 'Uyaina, in 1741, broke down tombs of saints, trees and stones worshiped by the inhabitants, and pressed the magistrate to carry out the Islamic execution on an adulteress. The frightened inhabitants expelled him from the town.
    In this first stage of his missionary activity, we can already find the three political ideas of Wahhabi, such as (1) propagation of Tawhid, (2) ordering what is right and prohibiting what is wrong, and (3) execution of the Islamic law.
    Expelled from his hometown, Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab came to Dar'iya where lived Ibn Sa'ud. Ibn Sa'ud visited him and proposed him a concordat according to which he would give Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab a military support for the propagation of Tawhid in exchange for his loyalty to the house of Sa'ud and his confirmation of Ibn Sa'ud's right of taxation. Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab accepted his proposition except the confirmation of the right of taxation. On this concordat are founded the three State Principles of Saudi Arabia: propagation by jihad, monarchy of the Sa'ud, and no taxation.
    With the expansion of the territory, Saudi Arabia starts to use a double identity in the foreign policy, in which they define themselves as Wahhabi to attack the non-Wahhabi Muslims as polytheists on one hand and as Hanbali to make peace with other Muslims on the other hand.
    Though the third kingdom of Saudi Arabia founded by 'Abd al='Aziz has inherited Wahhabi' s three ideas on the politics, as for its three principles of the state, it comes to discard jihad as well as to retouch the no taxation principle and to justify the diplomatic relation with non Muslim countries.
    The legitimacy of the third kingdom of Saudi Arabia is now threatened on the three levels, namely, (1) the penetration of the idea of of the Jihad-Revolution among people, (2) the intensifying conflict not only between the Western world and the Islamic world but also between secularism and Islamism within the Islamic world and (3) the heavy taxation under the circumstances of the financial decline.
  • 亀谷 学
    日本中東学会年報
    2008年 24 巻 1 号 17-43
    発行日: 2008/09/25
    公開日: 2018/03/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    According to traditional understanding, "Caliph (khalifa)" stands for "the successor to the Apostle of God (Khalifat Rasul Allah)." Some scholars, however, claimed that its original meaning was "the Deputy of God (Khalifat Allah)." There are some issues to be considered in their argument. Firstly, they examined literary sources and inscriptional sources on the equal footing. Secondly, they did not examine other titles of Caliph as "Commander of the Faithful (Amir al-Mu'minin)" and "the Servant of God ('Abd Allah)." In this paper, the titles of Caliph in Umayyad period are examined based on inscriptional sources. The results of the investigation are: (1) the main title of Caliph was "Commander of the Faithful." The second title was "the Servant of God" and the formal form of reference to Caliphs was "the Servant of God, Caliph's name, Commander of the Faithful." The title "the deputy of God" appears only in the references to 5th Umayyad Caliph 'Abd al-Malik. (2) Titles of Caliph can be divided into two categories: title that concerned about the relation between Caliph and people ("the Commander of the Faithful"), and titles about the relation between Caliph and God ("the Servant of God," "the Deputy of God").(3) Adoption of the title "the Deputy of God" by 'Abd al-Malik was aimed to express the stronger connection between Caliph and God.
  • 小玉 新次郎
    オリエント
    1986年 29 巻 1 号 165-166
    発行日: 1986/09/30
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 堀川 徹
    オリエント
    1986年 29 巻 1 号 164-165
    発行日: 1986/09/30
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • トゥーバ,ジュールベル,カオラク
    苅谷 康太
    アフリカ研究
    2013年 2013 巻 82 号 25-29
    発行日: 2013/05/31
    公開日: 2014/03/28
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 長谷部 史彦
    オリエント
    2003年 46 巻 2 号 161-179
    発行日: 2003年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    Although recent studies of metropolitan popular movements in the Mamluk Kingdom have clarified the actual conditions of such protests, we still know little about popular movements and the political culture in medieval Egyptian provincial towns. This paper focuses on the uprising of 1450 in al-Mahalla al-Kubra, provincial capital of al-Gharbiyya, and examines the economic background, changing stages of the revolt, leadership by religious elites, and countermeasures taken by the Mamluk Sultan Jaqmaq.
    According to Tibr al-masbuk written by al-Sakhawi, this uprising was caused by the people's indignation about the tyranny of Ahmad (brother of the well-known ustadar [major-domo] Ibn al-Ashqar) and his unfair interference with the food supply. The crowd attacked Ahmad and killed him in the mosque. Al-Sakhawi portrays al-Mahalli, whose principle was “commanding right and forbidding wrong, ” as a leader of this movement. This passionate preacher was related by marriage to the charismatic popular saint of the city, al-Ghamri, whose Sufi order al-Ghamriyya appeared to be opposed to the regime of Jaqmaq. Suppressed by Ibn al-Ashqar, the rebels were jailed in Cairo. Many Cairenes feeling sympathy for them began immediately to throw stones and call down divine vengeance upon him. It was noteworthy that all the rebels were liberated through an intercession to the sultan made by al-Turayni, another saint living in al-Mahalla al-Kubra. This act illustrates the political function of the private relationship between ruler and Muslim saint, as well as the importance of local living saints in the structure of cultural hegemony in the kingdom. In conclusion, this furious uprising was in sharp contrast with contemporary Cairene popular movements triggered by high prices and characterized by dialogue between the ruler and the ruled.
  • マカームの登場とその背景に関して
    石黒 大岳
    オリエント
    2002年 45 巻 1 号 120-141
    発行日: 2002/09/30
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    In the Islamic period, Egyptian society was controlled by the cycle of the Nilotic fluctuation without changing from the Pharaonic period. The Nile's annual flood usually reached 16 cubit measure on the Nilometer so called the level of wafa) al-Nil (plentitude of the Nile) in the middle of the Coptic last month Misra (in the end of July or the beginning of August). The festival of wafa) al-Nil was held because people in this society regarded the filled Nile as the requirement of their sufficient winter harvest. Consequently, they fixed their eyes on the rise of the Nile's water and looked forward to wafa) al-Nil.
    The festival consisted of two rituals, one was takhliq al-Migyas (perfuming the Nilometer) to perfume the column in the well and its walls of the Nilometer in Rawda island by saffron, the other was fath al-khalij (opening the canal) to open the earth dam built at the mouth of Khalij al-Qahira (Cairo canal) and introduce the Nile's water into the canal. The festival was the expression of the gratitude for the grace of Allah and the important partition of the year, showing the beginning of the irrigation, and announcing new agricultural season. For this reason, every Islamic dynasty ruling Egypt considered this festival important, and every monarch had administrated by his own hand since the Fatimid Caliph al-Mu(izz entered Cairo in 362/973.
    As for the Burji Mamluk period, we can find, from narratives of chronicles, that sultan administered this festival from the reign of Sultan Barquq to that of Sultan Mu)ayyad Shaykh. However, on the other hand, we can also find that sultan's oldest son who had the title of maqam (crown prince) administered it after 826/1423 until 864/1460, between the reign of Sultan Barsbay and that of Sultan Inal.
    This important suggestion that maqam involved in the festival as the administrator has never been pointed out before, although some researches deal with this festival. Moreover, maqam as the title has been paid no attention even in the studies of the Mamluk dominion. Therefore, this thesis aims to clarify the background of this issue, investigating the significant connection between the succession to the throne and the role of maqam.
  • 亀谷 学
    史学雑誌
    2006年 115 巻 9 号 1505-1541
    発行日: 2006/09/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 佐藤 次高
    史学雑誌
    2001年 110 巻 7 号 1357-1359
    発行日: 2001/07/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 嶋田 襄平
    日本オリエント学会月報
    1959年 2 巻 4-5 号 18-21
    発行日: 1959/05/05
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 中田 考
    日本中東学会年報
    1997年 12 巻 61-87
    発行日: 1997/03/31
    公開日: 2018/03/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 守川 知子
    史学雑誌
    2004年 113 巻 5 号 888-892
    発行日: 2004/05/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 野元 晋
    オリエント
    2001年 44 巻 2 号 148-162
    発行日: 2001年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    Kitab al-Islah (The Book of Correction) by Abu Hatim al-Razi, a leading Isma'ili da'i or missionary in Iran of his time, has been regarded as an important text of the Isma'ili movement of the 4th A. H./10th C. E. century. This is because, by attacking the work of his correligionist Muhammad al-Nasafi, the now-lost Kitab al-Mahsul (The Book of Product), al-Islah contains one of the earliest Isma'ili Neoplatonist expositions.
    In addition, we would suggest that the discourses interpreting the Qur'anic and Biblical tales of the prophets in Kitab al-Isah can be utilized as materials that shed light on one aspect of al-Razi's life history —that is, his missionary activities— and reflect the religiopolitical situation of his time. This suggestion is based on the fact that some Isma'ili thinkers of the 4th/10th century interpreted the Qur'anic tales of the prophets as providing paradigmatic patterns for explaining historical events of the recent past. W. Madelung also apparently based his approach to thought on religiopolitics of the time as seen in al-Islah on this fact, but he did not clarify his theoretical base.
    As an example of the material that can be viewed in this way, a passage can be cited from al-Islah that interprets the Qur'anic story of Solomon and the Queen of Sheba (the 27th surah of the Qur'an). According to this interpretation, Solomon was the legitimate deputy of the hidden imam of his time, and the Queen was the dissident leader of those who recognized only the authority of the hidden imam. Thus al-Razi was critical of the Qarmatian idea of the imminent advent of the hidden seventh imam as the Qa'im. Yet since he does not name anyone as the current imam of the 'Alid lineage, al-Razi does not fully recognize the authority of the Fatimids. It can thus be inferred that al-Razi took a rather in-between religiopolitical stance towards the Fatimids and the Qarmatians. Our research also raises the possibility of the existence of a non-Fatimid, non-Qarmatian, Isma'ili group during the first half of the 4th/10th century.
  • 医王 秀行
    オリエント
    1989年 32 巻 1 号 1-19
    発行日: 1989/09/30
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    Under the 'Abbasid dynasty, qadis in Kufa differed from those in Medina in their origin, personal connections and scholastic tendencies. In Kufa, the influence of Ibrahim Nakha'i, Ibn Abi Layla and Abu Hanifa was strong, and their relatives and disciples assumed the post of gadis. There were political strives behind the appointment and dismissal of qadis. Sharik became a qadi after Ibn Abi Kayla who was cooperative with the government, but he lost his post due to the persecution of unorthodoxy in the reign of al-Mahdi. After Abu Yusuf assumed the post of a qadi al-qudat, many disciples of Abu Hanifa became qadis in Kufa in the days of Barmakid and al-Ma'mun. Liberal tendencies in Iraq in those days appear to have been reflected in the views of qadis and lawyers of Kufa.
    This tendency and pro-Shi'ite trends in Kufa came into conflict with the qadis and lawyers in Medina. Among the qadis of Medina there were few scholars who studied law and Hadith, but people of the Bakr and 'Umar families, who were descendents of Abu Bakr and 'Umar condemned by the Shi'ites held many posts of qadis in Medina. It may be said that they were able to manage legal and administrative affairs in the Holy Place not because of their learning but because of their authority which they derived from being descendents of powerful families.
  • 杉山 維彦
    日本国際観光学会論文集
    2014年 21 巻 129-136
    発行日: 2014年
    公開日: 2019/04/03
    ジャーナル フリー
    In 2013, the "foods camouflage problems" in a hotels and restaurants occurred frequently. It will be a problem with which "food" is related safely, and if it makes a mistake, it will be a problem which threatens a user's health. This is the same as greet the Muslims from the ASEAN countries where the increase is expected from now. Because, a Muslim eats halal and camouflage is not allowed absolutely. If camouflage is discovered, then it is likely to develop into international issues.
  • 赤堀 雅幸
    日本中東学会年報
    1992年 7 巻 355-394
    発行日: 1992/03/31
    公開日: 2018/03/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    This is an anthropological approach to the political actions of the Awlad Ali Bedouins in Egypt. Its purpose consists in finding some problematic points to be further studied in the process of selecting candidates among the Awlad Ali for the general election of the People's Assembly held in the end of November, 1990. The Awlad Ali are the Bedouins now mostly settled and living in the Governorate of Marsa Matrouh on the Mediterranean coast of the Western Desert. They are divided into five tribes (gabilas), and each tribe is into some sections ('a' ilas). During my stay in Egypt in 1988-1991, I visited the area many times and thereafter lived with the Awlad Ali in one of their villages for a year and half so as to do my fieldwork on them. This paper should be considered, therefore, as one of the studies on the tribal system of the Arab nomads, and the election of 1990 is taken up just as a case. The Governorate has two electoral districts, in both of which the number of representatives are two, so that four are to be elected in sum. As the Awlad Ali hold an absolute majority of the population of the area, they consider representatives of the Governorate as representatives of the Awlad Ali. Moreover, in order that those are representatives of the Awlad Ali as a whole, they say they all must reach an agreement on their candidacy. But reaching is so much difficult because of the lack of the established political institutions. Although they say as a rule that four of the five tribes share the seats and that the remaining one is to wait for its turn in the next occasion, the outcome of 1990 did not accord with this saying. The claim for the agreement of the tribes, nevertheless, has certain effects. The Awlad Ali people think of a candidate with the agreement as more legitimate and fair than those without it. So, if one gets the tribal agreement, he can take advantage of it tactically as a merit. The better one can pretend to have obtained an agreement of the tribes, the more easily he can win. The Awlad Ali also say that the agreement of the tribes on candidates should be reached through meetings of the 'umdas and the sheikhs, both of whom represent their tribal section against other sections. I myself attended some of the meetings held before the election and there found that the agreement was not reached positively but just accepted passively. As all of the meetings are locally held and not organized into larger ones, it is impossible in such conditions to gather up the will of each tribesman into united one. Therefore it must be considered that the Awlad Ali say the agreement is reached in the tribal meeting, not because it is actually done but because it should be ideally done. The 'umda and the sheikh are titles rather than posts, and not every section has both of them. There is no established organization to which they are belonging. Some of them, especially some living in Matrouh City, are rich and strong. They have relatively large influences over other 'umdas, sheikhs and other tribesmen. It is they who, in fact, play the power game among themselves, ratify candidates and lead the process of reaching (=accepting) an agreement of the Awlad Ali as a whole. They are powerful and behaving tactically so as to benefit themselves, but they still remain under the influence of the traditional norms. Here, norms work not as a burden on the individuals but just as a guideline along which people interact with one another. Behaving as a political unit, the Awlad Ali elected their representatives. The tribal system working on the normative basis was still effective and taken much seriouly in the process of decision making and agreement reaching. But it did not prevent anyone, candidates, the influential or any, from developing his own possibility. It just guided his way in harmony with others', if possible and favored. Those points are to be cleared in other case studies in different occasions.
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