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  • 澤田 典子
    史学雑誌
    1993年 102 巻 7 号 1267-1307,1440-
    発行日: 1993/07/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
    Because of the growing interest in Macedonia stimulated by recent archaeological discoveries, there have been a considerable number of studies on Macedonian history. Since the 1970s these studies have been concentrated on Philip II, whose reputation had previously been overshadowed by that of Alexander the Great. Recent major works on Philip II have one common feature: they criticize the Atheno-centric nature of traditional research on this historical figure and consider him instead from a Macedonian standpoint. Unfortunately, all of these studies fall into the trap of overemphasizing Philip's friendly attitude toward Athens. This tendency is most apparent in their interpretation of "the Peace of Philocrates" concluded between Philip and Athens in 346 B.C.. Most scholars exaggerate the importance of this peace and regard it as clear evidence of Philip's friendly attitude toward Athens. The purpose of this paper is to put the Peace of Philocrates in its proper perspective and to shed some light on Philip's overall strategy in 346 B.C.. The negotiations regarding the Peace of Philocrates coincided with two important events: Philip's Thracian campaign, and his intervention in the Third Sacred War. This paper attempts to analyze the Peace in the context of these two events. Within the framework of his Thracian campaign, the Peace can be regarded as a diplomatic expedient used by Philip to forestall Athens' offensive intervention in Thracian affairs and to conquer Thrace as smoothly as possible. On the other hand, when we look at his intervention in the Sacred War, which led to his emergence as the major power in Greek politics, we can see that Philip intended to strike a blow at Athens' ally, the Phocians, with Thebes' cooperation, in order to enter the mainstream of Greek politics. In short, we can affirm that Philip's policy of favouring Athens played no part at all in that process, and that his peace with Athens had no effect on his settlement of the Sacred War. Therefore, the Peace of Philocrates was only a diplomatic expedient for conquering Thrace smoothly, and it had almost nothing to do with Philip's intervention in the Sacred War, which, in 346 B.C., was a very important part of his strategy toward Greece. It follows from this conclusion that it is necessary to amend the recent studies which inflate the importance of the Peace of Philocrates in Philip's plan and which consequently imply that Philip's attitude toward Athens was friendly.
  • 中村 純
    史学雑誌
    1984年 93 巻 10 号 1577-1610,1705-
    発行日: 1984/10/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
    This paper is an attempt to discuss how the crisis after the defeat of Athenian fleet in Sicily (413 B.C.) contributed to the Athenian constitutional changes in 411-410 B.C.. In this attempt, the author tried to throw some new light on the much discussed problem about the Athenian revolutions of 411 B.C.. The problem is whether the constitution of the Five Thousand denied the franchise to those who were below the hoplite class or not. At first, the author divided Athenian citizens into two classes. A man who could be a hoplite belongs to the one class, and one who could not to the other. And then, to inquire into political trends of those two classes, he tried to apply two models which W.R.Connor proposed. This inquiry leads the author to the conclusion that the accepted view (that the regime of the Five Thousand was a hoplite oligarchy) is acceptable. His arguments are as follows. 1)After the Sicilian disaster, there was a change in the balance of the political powers in Athens. Citizens belonging to the lower class were depressed and their influence was revived only when the crushing victory was gained at Kyzikos in the summer of 410 B.C., as C.Hignett inferred. 2)There is no reason to think that the upper class citizens' in Athens were against the radical democracy in any situation. As Prof. Connor told us, there were many small political groups among them. Their attitude as a whole to the Athenian constitution is changeable according to circumstances. The author inferred that until the Council of Four Hundred was established, the major political goal among the political groups in the upper class citzens was to replace the radical democracy by the oligarchy, that in course of transition from the regime of Four Hundred to that of Five Thousand, the political goal changed and the new goal was to carry on their war against Sparta more effectively, and that on the day of the restoration of the radical democracy, many political groups wanted Alcibiades not as a tyrant of Athens. Under the regime of Four Hundred, the war situation grew even worse. It caused the transition to the regime of Five Thousand. The radical democracy was restored not because the constitution of the Five Thousand allowed the lower class the right of voting (against G.E.M. de Ste. Croix and R.Sealey), but because the upper class citizens feared that Alcibiades would be a tyrant. 3)Constitutional changes in Athens, changes in the balance between the forces for Alcibiades and against, and those in the tide of war against Sparta, all three ran in parallel with one another. Alcibiades was a brilliant general but a would-be tyrant. Through the participation of Alcibiades in Athenian affairs, the crisis after the Sicilian disaster contributed seriously to the Athenian constitutional changes in 411-410 B.C..
  • 澤田 典子
    史学雑誌
    2005年 114 巻 2 号 184-206
    発行日: 2005/02/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The Harpalus affair was a crisis which involved many prominent Athenians and caused the exile of Demosthenes, in connection with money embezzled by Harpalus, Alexander's imperial treasurer, who sought refuge in Athens in 324 B. C. In previous studies, it has been generally assumed that the confrontation of political groups over policy toward Macedon was a fundamental element of Athenian politics during the reign of Alexander. Regarding the Harpalus affair, the arguments have centered upon a political confrontation between the radicals and the moderates among the anti-Macedonians. This paper attempts to analyze the Harpalus affair, focusing on an examination of the alleged political confrontation among the anti-Macedonians, in order to shed some light on Athenian politics during this period. It examines (1) the Athenian political situation surrounding the Harpalus affair, (2) the alleged political confrontation between Hypereides and Demosthenes, and (3) other prosecutors and defendants in the trials arising out of the affair. In conclusion, the author refutes the picture of political confrontation between the radicals and the moderates among the anti-Macedonians in the affair. The Harpalus affair, which involved various personal confrontations, is a good example to show unsoundness in grasping Athenian politics during this period within a simple scheme of political confrontation dominated by Macedonian issues. It would be possible to assume that within the context of the good state of relations between Macedon and Athens under the Pax Macedonica, personal confrontation among politicians often played a more important role than political confrontation over the Macedonian question and was a dominant factor in Athenian politics of this period.
  • 田中 美穂
    史学雑誌
    1996年 105 巻 12 号 122-
    発行日: 1996/12/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 古山 夕城
    史学雑誌
    1996年 105 巻 12 号 122-
    発行日: 1996/12/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 堀井 健一
    西洋古典学研究
    1996年 44 巻 159-162
    発行日: 1996/03/15
    公開日: 2017/05/23
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 田村 孝
    オリエント
    1979年 22 巻 1 号 139-152
    発行日: 1979/09/30
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    En 88/7 av. J. -C. la première guerre de Mithridate eéclata dans l'Asie Mineure. C'était la guerre entre Rome et la population indigène dirigée par Mithridate VI Eupator, roi de Pont. La population fut séparée en deux parties (pro- ou anti-romain) si bien que la guerre continua violemment de plus en plus.
    Je pense que cette guerre a exercé une grande influence sur la politique athénienne à ce moment-là. Si on analyse la liste d' archontes, on pourra comprendre cette influence. II y a un mot “anarchia” à la place de nom d'archon dans cette liste de 88/7 av. J. -C.
    Nous avons deux théories concernant “anarchia” en 88/7 av. J. -C.: celle de S. Dow (l' absence de l'archon éponyme à cause de la lourde liturgie) et celle de W. S. Ferguson et Ch. Habicht (la falsification à l'époque impériale romaine). Bien que la première soit raisonable au sens propre du mot qu'Aristote a transmis dans Ath. Pol., ce n'est pas suffisant pour expliquer pourquoi dans cette année seulement l' archon éponyme était absent. II faut réfléchir pour “anarchia” en 88/7 av. J. -C. au bouleversement politique et social à cause de la première guerre de Mithridate qui a exercé une grande influence à Athènes. La deuxième théorie est plus raisonable que la première parce qu'elle s'est bien accordée avec la situation politique en 88 av. J. -C.
    Donc la falsification nous montre qu'it y avait une tendance anti-romaine opiniâtre à Athènes au début de ler siècle av. J. -C. et qu' elle s'est manifestée comme un mouvement politique comptant sur Mithridate VI.
  • 澤田 典子
    西洋古典学研究
    1994年 42 巻 67-78
    発行日: 1994/03/28
    公開日: 2017/05/23
    ジャーナル フリー
    In 344/3 B. C, Philip II sent Python of Byzantium to Athens with a proposal for the amendment(επανοθωσι&b.sigmav;)of the Peace of Philocrates, which had been concluded between Philip and Athens in 346. Recent Philippic studies tend to overemphasize Philip's friendlly attitude toward Athens and to exaggerate Athens' central role in his plan for conquering Greece. This tendency is apparent in their interpretation of the επανορθωσι&b.sigmav; negotiations of 344/3. In that year, the Persian King Artaxerxes III also sent embassies to Athens and other major Greek cities requesting that they join the Persians in the imminent campaign against the Egyptians. Most studies which emphasize Philip's friendly attitude toward Athens, interpret these events as follows : in 344/3, the simultaneous arrival of the Macedonian and Persian embassies confronted Athens with a clear-cut choice between alignment with one or the other of these two major powers ; Athens, where public opinion had been predominantly pro-Macedonian due to Philip's friendly attitude, clearly rejected the Persian appeal and entered into negotiations with Philip on the amendment of the peace. In this paper, I reexamine this common view, focusing on three main sources : Didymus 8.7-32, Hypoth. Dem.6, and[Dem]. 7.18-32. 1 conclude that there is no justification for arguing that Athens was confronted with a clear-cut choice between Macedonia and Persia in 344/3, that the Athenian answer to Persia shows the friendly relations between Philip and Athens, that in this period Philip behaved in a friendly way toward Athens, or that pro-Macedonian sentiment was predominant in Athens. Therefore, it is necessary to amend the common view which tends to emphasize Philip's friendly attitude in the επανορθωσι&b.sigmav; negotiations of 344/3. Philip's proposal in 344/3 was not an attempt to show his own friendly feelings toward Athens ; rather it may have been merely one of the many tactics he employed to smoothly carry out his program to conquer Greece, which was under way simultaneously in many parts of Greece, such as Thessaly, Thrace, and the Peloponnese. I believe that this conclusion of this paper provides a basis for amendment of the previous historical interpretations of this period, which are intrinsically Atheno-centric.
  • 長尾 美里
    西洋古典学研究
    2011年 59 巻 12-21
    発行日: 2011/03/23
    公開日: 2017/05/23
    ジャーナル フリー
    Through the Delian League, Athens put great value on their activities in the sanctuaries as part of the process of promoting their "imperialism". The Panathenaea festival is a good example to show how the alliance was placed under Athenian control through offerings to sanctuaries during this period. Considering this point, the sanctuaries were excellent places for late fifth century Athens to visualize their authority, as the tyrants did in the sixth century. And Delos was also one of the most important sanctuaries for Athens in the early stages of the Delian League's history. It has been suggested that its "Ionian character" was a crucial aspect in establishing it as a place for the bank of the league, but there is more to this story. In this paper, the author deals with the relationship between Athens and the Delian sanctuary in the late fifth century, especially focusing on the Athenian administrators of the sanctuaries who were called the Amphiktyones. These administrators came into existence in the history of Delos by 434 B.C. at the latest, that is, after the transfer of the bank of the Delian league from Delos to Athens. Why did Athens maintain this sanctuary during the Peloponnesian war? This question is the starting point of this paper. To address this problem, the author will summarize the role of the Amphiktyones in the Delian sanctuary by observing their accounting records ID 89, 91, 92, 93, and 94. From these records it could be said that the Amphiktyones took charge of the asset management that related to the operation of the Delia festival even in the middle of the war. A second question arises, that is, whether this was a special case for contemporary Athens or not. In the second place, to compare with the other sanctuaries which the Athenians managed at the same period in mainland Greece, the author examines the evidence from the acropolis in Athens. Because Thucydides' account of the financial situation of Athens (2.13), and a famous inscription IG I^3 52, the so-called "Kallias decree" is important evidence to consider in the relationship between Athens and the sanctuaries. The author also considers the chronological problem of the establishment of "tamiai of the other god" in the acropolis in Athens as the background of the appearance of these two administrators, the Amphiktyones and the "tamiai of the other god" respectively. To conclude, the reason why the Athenians persisted in the control of the Delian sanctuary was not only because of its Ionian character, but also because of Athenian respect for the traditional religion which had been brought down by the social instability, such as plague and war. Moreover the appearance of the Amphiktyones was not a special case, but one of the many reforms in 430's Athens.
  • 久保 正彰
    西洋古典学研究
    1971年 19 巻 43-57
    発行日: 1971/03/31
    公開日: 2017/05/23
    ジャーナル フリー
    XENOPHON'S Hellenika 2. 2. 19-20 helps to throw some light, not only on the much discussed date of the Melian dialogue (5. 91) , but, more generally, also on the grave irony with which Thucydides views the characters in his History who argue either for or against the merit of the Athenian achievements during the crisis of the Persian War. On closer examination of the 17 political speeches which contain direct or indirect allusions to the Persian War, the historian's deliberate manner in handling the theme can be elucidated. Often the Persian War marks the horizon of the historical perspective each speaker is aware of, and the speaker's attitude to the War falls within the scope of his political views on contemporary affairs. Such is the first speech of Perikles in 432 (1. 144.4-5), and also of Alkibiades in Athens in 415 (6. 17. 7), where the War seen as having been defensive by the former turns offensive by the latter's zeal to launch upon a new expansion. The Athenians are the first who aim at the most profit out of the logos on the Persian War (1. 73-78; 6. 82-87), but the Peloponnesians and the Syracusans are not much behind either. The Lakedaimonians find it expedient to recapitulate the dubious role of the Liberator of Hellas (2. 8. 5; 4. 85-87; 4. 114. 3). Hermokrates draws a remarkable parallel between the War and the Expedition (6. 33. 5-6; 76. 3-4), and exploits a markedly biased distinction between the two (6. 77. 1). His remarks may be taken to show that the comparable aspects of the two Wars first dawned upon Thucydides and his contemporaries after the catastrophe in Sicily. Thucydides leaves us in doubt if in truth so much of the Plataian dabate of 427 was taken up by the theme of the Persian War. His choice, however, becomes somewhat more transparent, if we assume that he telescoped the event after the capitulation of Athens, with the full knowledge of the scene reported by Xenophon (op. cit., loc. cit.). That he knew it seems to be reflected in his analysis of the Lakedaimonian sense of justice (3. 68. 1-3, 6; 5. 105. 4): they needed the Thebans then, now they hold up the merit of the Athenians since they no longer need to coax the Thebans. The allusions to the Persian War are the eloquent index to show that man remodels history after his experience and need. None of the logos presents an unbiased image; every speaker mirrors his political outlook on the broad term, the Persian War. Obviously Thucydides and his contemporaries thought it their problem how to overcome the variegated conflicts left unsettled by the War. Thucydides in particular deemed it his singular task to record the flickering images of the War within the context of his 27 years war, apart from keeping his precious memory of the numbers of ships and soldiers.
  • 宮崎 亮
    史学雑誌
    1993年 102 巻 4 号 491-527,657-65
    発行日: 1993/04/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
    In classical Athens there was no public prosecutor. Any Athenian citizen could prosecute public offenders through graphe. It is often said that the development of the democracy after the reform of Ephialtes gave rise to people who abused it, that is sykophantai (sg. sykophantes). We know many examples of their vicious activities, such as false accusation and blackmailing, by Aristophanes and orators, and know how disliked they were in Athens. Most of the historians of Greece have thought them as "the inevitable disease of democracy" (J.O. Lofberg), "a leech on society" (J.Ober), and so on. On the other hand, R.Osborne's article in 1990 proposes that (1)sykophantai should not be identified as malicious prosecutors motivated by money. The word was applied to any prosecutor, especially one who did not have a good case, whose case depended on improbable assumptions, empty assertions, or over-meticulous quibbling, (2)prosecution cases brought by sykophantai prevented rich Athenian citizens from using their wealth in an anti-social way. In this sense, sykophantai played a structural role in democratic Athens like demagogues. The term sykophautai has a very descriptive character. As a result, if we treat it in a static or synchronic way, our conclusions are likely to become imbalanced. The author suspects that both negative and positive theories are formed on an all too static analysis of evidence and are too simplified. This paper tries to treat sykophantai in a different way. It considers the activities of sykophantai in a diachronic perspective, in the actual changing circumstances in Athens from the middle of the fifth century B.C. to 322 B.C. The author's conclusions are as follows. (1)In the fifth cntury B.C. the activities of sykophantai as malicious prosecutors motivated by money were chiefly against the allied citizens. Of course, sykophantai annoyed the rich Athenian citizens, but this was limited mostly to the late period of the Peloponnesian War, especially after the oligarchic revolution in 411 B.C.. (2)As for the fourth century B.C., there are many references to sykophantai among orators. However, these references are untrustworthy. In other words, sykophantai as malicious prosecutors motivated by money were not rampant through the fourth century B.C.. (3)It is said that in classical Athens the trial was basically adversarial. However, as the scene in Aristoph, Plutus shows, prosecutions conducted by sykophantai had some inquisitorial character. References to sykophantai by orators should be grasped as indicating how suspicious the Athenians were about this inquisitorial prosecution by hoboulomenos.
  • 石崎 嘉彦
    政治哲学
    2016年 20 巻 99-123
    発行日: 2016年
    公開日: 2019/09/05
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
    本翻訳は、Leo Strauss, The Argument and the Action of Plato's Laws, The University of Chicago Press, 1975 (Midway reprint 1983)のうち、ジョゼフ・クロプシーの「前書き」と「第一巻」を訳出したものである。
  • 師尾 晶子
    西洋古典学研究
    2001年 49 巻 145-148
    発行日: 2001/03/05
    公開日: 2017/05/23
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 桜井 万里子
    西洋古典学研究
    1988年 36 巻 109-111
    発行日: 1988/03/18
    公開日: 2017/05/23
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 橋場 弦
    法制史研究
    1994年 1994 巻 44 号 320-322
    発行日: 1995/03/30
    公開日: 2009/11/16
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 佐藤 昇
    史学雑誌
    2001年 110 巻 7 号 1323-1356
    発行日: 2001/07/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 粟野 頼之祐
    社会経済史学
    1938年 8 巻 8 号 862-895
    発行日: 1938/11/15
    公開日: 2017/12/28
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 衣笠 茂
    西洋古典学研究
    1966年 14 巻 57-65
    発行日: 1966/03/28
    公開日: 2017/05/23
    ジャーナル フリー
    Thucydides was not only the first scientific historian, but also an artist, who heightened the dramatic effect in his narrative by often using antilogia and contrast. As he described the Peloponnesian War as an antagonism between two different kind of cities, Athens and Sparta, the readers probably were able to understand more easily the harshness and cruelty of the war. The constitutions, education, morals, namely all ways of life, were entirely different in the two cities. And the comparison of the different characters of Athens and Sparta is found in the speeches of the Corinthian envoy (I, 68-71), the Athenian visitor into Sparta (I. 74-78), Archidamos (I. 80-85) and Pericles (I. 140-144, II. 35-46). There Thucydides' arguments of the antilogia and contrast, which may be the influence of the sophists, were most effectively developed. It seems that the speech of the Athenian visitor is an antilogia against the Corinthian envoy and that the speeches of Pericles are the antilogias against Archidamos. Again the speech of Archidamos is an antilogia against the Corinthian envoy. On the other hand, it is the Greek way in literature to treat both antagonists with impartiality and equality. As for the antilogia, it is more dramatic if the arguments of both sides are developed with almost equal power and confidence. But how are the substances of the arguments in the speeches of the Spartan side by Thucydides? The Corinthian envoy accused the Spartans as being leisurely, conservative and old-fashioned, while the Athenians were quick, bold and progressive. Archidamos defenced the character of the Spartans in his speech and praised their thoughtfulness, bravery, discipline, etc. But the concepts of the character of the Spartans in contrast with Athenians in those speeches are found also in the tragedies of Sophocles and Euripides (as J. H. Finley showed them in his article "Euripides and Thucydides", Harvard Studies in Cl. Phil. 49). And the analysis of the powers and expected strategies of Athens and Sparta by Archidamos is repeated by Pericles more accurately in his first speeches. It is likely that Thucydides inserted the Athenian view on Sparta and its way of life, which was popular among the Athenian citizens since the ascendancy of democracy and the aggravation of rivalry against Sparta. Therefore, the antilogias of the Spartan side in those speeches were not so confident in comparison with the Athenian side. And Thucydides, the democrat and real Athenian, was peeping out, although Thucydides made an effort to treat Athens and Sparta with impartiality in his History.
  • 栗原 麻子
    法制史研究
    2009年 58 巻 402-404
    発行日: 2009/03/30
    公開日: 2014/03/31
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 小林 祐門
    史学雑誌
    2009年 118 巻 11 号 2023-2024
    発行日: 2009/11/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
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