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  • 藤縄 謙三
    西洋古典学研究
    1956年 4 巻 26-33
    発行日: 1956/04/05
    公開日: 2017/05/23
    ジャーナル フリー
    ツキュディデスは,II65において,ペリクレスを賞讃しながら少し脱線して,ペリクレスの勝利の見通しが正しかつたにも抱らず
    アテナイ
    が敗北した原因を説明するために,
    アテナイ
    の政治の變化を分析している.彼のこの分析を,具體的な事實の記述その他と關係づけることによつて,より詳しく解釋し,彼の政治思想の一面を明らかにすることに努めたい.
  • 仲手川 良雄
    史学雑誌
    1991年 100 巻 7 号 1197-1231,1354-
    発行日: 1991/07/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
    The "Old Oligarch", the author of Constitution of the Athenians, recorded his very interesting observations of the various phases of Athenian democracy during the later half of the fifth century B.C. Among those views, his pointing out of the relation between a marine empire and democracy in Athens is very important because it shows his basic point of view. He recognizes that in reality it is the poor people who are the support and driving force of a sea power and who contribute more to the strengthening of their country than do the nobles and the wealthy. He also considers it to be right that they hold a predominent position and participate in government. It is noteworthy that he uses the words "right" or "rightfully" in this context, for rightness, or justice, is one of the most fundamental subjects in the history of Greek ideas. Moreover, the oligarch's statement justifying the rule of the poor people cannot be found anywhere else in Greek texts. Nevertheless, scholars have not paid due regard to it, and have usually been occupied with the philological interpretation of words, phrases, expressions and statements concerning particular matters in the text. Being diligent about their minute work, they often have neglected examining the basic ideas of this work. This is the reason why the author of the present paper tries to investigate the work in holistic terms from the standpoint of the history of ideas and to make clear the "Old Oligarch's" view of justice; and then marine empire and democracy that were the most important elements constituting the Athenian life in those days, will be revealed from within. The investigation proceeds as follows : 1.The "Old Oligarch" sees many aspects of Athenian democracy in a very biased light, while his observant eye watches its fundamental structure with great presence of mind. As a result his view of democracy seems to be contradictory. So what, we may ask, was democracy actually for him? 2.He seems to accept democracy as a form of government, though he unfavorably criticizes the democratic way of life. In the face of this ambiguous attitude, what on earth, we may ask, did he consider to be valuable in the Athenian situation? And what kind of social class formed the basis of his attitude toward politics? 3.He seems not to have found the value or political idea which has great influence on society and of which he approves, and also loses sight of the social class in which he has close interest. Yet he affords an excellent insight into the reality of Athens. What did he regard as the most important powers supporting the Athenian empire? What's more, what originality was shown in his understanding of Athenian democracy? 4.His view of justice is inseparably related to the existence of the Athenian empire, which he considers to be the highest priority. In that case, what were the characteristics of his view of justice, compared with those of his contemporaries who were more or less similar to him.
  • 宮崎 亮
    史学雑誌
    1993年 102 巻 4 号 491-527,657-65
    発行日: 1993/04/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
    In classical Athens there was no public prosecutor. Any Athenian citizen could prosecute public offenders through graphe. It is often said that the development of the democracy after the reform of Ephialtes gave rise to people who abused it, that is sykophantai (sg. sykophantes). We know many examples of their vicious activities, such as false accusation and blackmailing, by Aristophanes and orators, and know how disliked they were in Athens. Most of the historians of Greece have thought them as "the inevitable disease of democracy" (J.O. Lofberg), "a leech on society" (J.Ober), and so on. On the other hand, R.Osborne's article in 1990 proposes that (1)sykophantai should not be identified as malicious prosecutors motivated by money. The word was applied to any prosecutor, especially one who did not have a good case, whose case depended on improbable assumptions, empty assertions, or over-meticulous quibbling, (2)prosecution cases brought by sykophantai prevented rich Athenian citizens from using their wealth in an anti-social way. In this sense, sykophantai played a structural role in democratic Athens like demagogues. The term sykophautai has a very descriptive character. As a result, if we treat it in a static or synchronic way, our conclusions are likely to become imbalanced. The author suspects that both negative and positive theories are formed on an all too static analysis of evidence and are too simplified. This paper tries to treat sykophantai in a different way. It considers the activities of sykophantai in a diachronic perspective, in the actual changing circumstances in Athens from the middle of the fifth century B.C. to 322 B.C. The author's conclusions are as follows. (1)In the fifth cntury B.C. the activities of sykophantai as malicious prosecutors motivated by money were chiefly against the allied citizens. Of course, sykophantai annoyed the rich Athenian citizens, but this was limited mostly to the late period of the Peloponnesian War, especially after the oligarchic revolution in 411 B.C.. (2)As for the fourth century B.C., there are many references to sykophantai among orators. However, these references are untrustworthy. In other words, sykophantai as malicious prosecutors motivated by money were not rampant through the fourth century B.C.. (3)It is said that in classical Athens the trial was basically adversarial. However, as the scene in Aristoph, Plutus shows, prosecutions conducted by sykophantai had some inquisitorial character. References to sykophantai by orators should be grasped as indicating how suspicious the Athenians were about this inquisitorial prosecution by hoboulomenos.
  • 能勢 修一
    体育学研究
    1958年 3 巻 1 号 11-
    発行日: 1958年
    公開日: 2016/12/31
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 吉沢 一也
    法制史研究
    2010年 59 巻 410-414
    発行日: 2010/03/30
    公開日: 2017/03/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 岩田 拓郎
    西洋古典学研究
    1962年 10 巻 62-72
    発行日: 1962/03/31
    公開日: 2017/05/23
    ジャーナル フリー
    It was necessary for every citizen, in Athens, to have his name entered in at least two registers-"komon grammateion" in his phratrie and "lexiarchikon grammateion" in his deme, of which the latter was politically important The State had no list which included all the citizens , therefore, there were possibilities that (A) a legitimate citizen might lose his citizenship if his demesmen rejected him or removed his name from their register, on the other hand, (B) rich foreigners could acquire civic rights through bribery As the counter-measures the State prescribed two legal procedures-"εφεσιζ" [against (A)] and "γραφη ξενιαζ [against (B)], and they were both brought before the thesmothetai who introduced them before the law courts But this was the system contemporary with Aristotle, i e, about 325 B C (cf A P XLII 1, LIX 3 4) When Kleisthenes created the demes, it was confirmed that the Athenians revised the citizen roll according to the statements of Aristotle in A P XIII 5 and in Politika 1275 b (as for the latter, I follow the interpretation newly suggested by Oliver in Histona IX 1960 pp 503-4) But, it seems that, at that time, the state left the revision completely to the demes, and there remain no materials which bear testimony to the existence of the procedures of the εφεσιζ and the γραφη ξενιαζ When and how was the above-mentioned system framed ? Diller and Gomme have disputed on this subject, and recently, Jacoby treated of it This paper is concerned with this problem with a view to a reconsideration of the character of the demes in the history of the athenian constitution The materials relating to the γραφη ξενιαζ (indictment for usurpation of civic right by an alien) are preserved only from 440 B C, but in the 5th century This indictment was brought before the nautodikai, and in the 4th century before the thesmothetai We must not overlook the fact that the nautodikai and the thesmothetai were not procuratonal officials, and the necessary arrangements for indictment were all charged upon a complainant The existence of the εφεσιζ (appeal of anyone whose claim to citizenship has been rejected by his deme) is first attested by Isaios XII which belongs to between 395/4 B C and 346/5 B C, but here the διαιτα (arbitrations) stood before the εφεσιζ After 346/5 B C the appeal was directly before the thesmothetai Demosthenes LVII describes vividly how the διαψηφισμοζ (general revision) of 346/5 B C was performed Gernet regards Eubulides in this oration as one of the buleutai elected by the deme of Halimus According to this interpretation, he revised the register of his own deme in the capacity of a buleutes As we have seen, the athenian registration system was defective in many respects Nevertheless, the glorious name of 'Athenian Democracy' will remain eternally in history The high and firmly-rooted consciousness of autonomy in the demes was really the basis of the athenian constitution, and its gradual retrogression undermined others' glorious name
  • 小林 範昭
    西洋古典学研究
    1995年 43 巻 22-31
    発行日: 1995/03/10
    公開日: 2017/05/23
    ジャーナル フリー
    There were many kinds of state officials involved in the administration of the democracy in classical Athens. We can confirm some of them in Athenaion Politeia by Aristotle. Athens also had many religious state officials, priests, religious assistants and consultants for deliberation and supervision of religious matters or performing festivals, rituals and rites. Exegetes (pl. exegetai) is one of these religious professions. The characteristics, features and roles of the exegetai in classical Athens are discussed. Exegetai make an appearance in Laws by Plato. They are not priests, but high state officials who engage in legislation, consultation and expounding the laws or religious conventions. It seems that nine persons were elected by the people and then three appointed by Delphi. Not of all the description by Plato is a reflection of exegetai in classical Athens, but with due regard for the account of exegetes in Euthyphro, which seems to describe a real event of consulting exegetes, the author thinks that the reference to exegetai in Plato's Laws reflects the facts to some extent. Previous studies about types, roles and distribution of office duties of exegetai have chiefly depended upon inscriptions after the 2nd century B.C. and an explanation about exegetai by Timaios and other lexicographers. However, the Timaios' definition of exegetai is only a summary of descriptions of exegetai in Plato's Laws. Therefore, we should not apply the pictures of exegetai after the 2nd century B.C. to that of exegetai in classical Athens. As the result of studying historical materials on the exegetai, there were two types of exegetes in classical Athens. One was an exegetes of the Athenian state and the other was exegetai of the Eumolpidae. According to the relations of exegetes with gods and temples, they were not priests, but state officials for life. They had some relation to Delphi. There was one exegetes of Athens and was engaged in expounding and instructing with regard to sacred and ancestral laws (patria) or customs about purifications, festivals, rituals, funerals, weddings and so on. There were several exegetai of the Eumolpidae and they chiefly took part in the Eleusinian Mysteries. Finally, the author regards Lampon as an exegetes in classical Athens. Lampon was a friend of Perikles and a famous diviner. He had greater competence and authority than a diviner and played an important role as an exegetes in an inscription in late 5th century B.C.(IG, I^3, 78). The results of my study will provide some clues to the answer questions about the origin and transition of exegetai. This will be my next subject.
  • 森谷 公俊
    法制史研究
    1984年 1984 巻 34 号 407-409
    発行日: 1985/03/30
    公開日: 2009/11/16
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 橋場 弦
    法制史研究
    1994年 1994 巻 44 号 320-322
    発行日: 1995/03/30
    公開日: 2009/11/16
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 佐藤 昇
    法制史研究
    2010年 59 巻 342-351
    発行日: 2010/03/30
    公開日: 2017/03/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 一柳 俊夫
    法制史研究
    1994年 1994 巻 44 号 299-303
    発行日: 1995/03/30
    公開日: 2009/11/16
    ジャーナル フリー
  • アルカイック時代のアッティカ墓碑における裸体像解釈
    田中 咲子
    オリエント
    2012年 54 巻 2 号 18-42
    発行日: 2012/03/31
    公開日: 2015/04/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The nude youths holding a javelin or spear that appear on the Archaic Attic funerary stelae from about 560-550 B. C. (e.g., Metropolitan Museum 12.158) have often been considered to be nude soldiers. Nobutoshi Fukube, on the other hand, interprets them as athletes, i.e., javelin throwers. Scholars have not stated the basis for their interpretations. But neither soldiers nor athletes had been depicted on Attic funerary stelae until this period, so whichever these youths are, interpreting them is essential for understanding the development of Greek grave reliefs.
     It seems that the reason why some scholars have interpreted these figures as soldiers is that the composition is similar to that of the heavily armed soldiers which appear in later decades. For example, Friis Johansen says, “Soldiers were represented in nude at first, but later they were fully armed.” But in contemporary Greek art, there were no nude soldiers. The soldiers wore armour—at the least, helmets and greaves. As Matthias Raecke has indicated, in the vase painting during the 6th century the armour of the soldiers became more heavy and luxurious, but at about 500 B. C. the soldiers suddenly came to be represented fully nude, just like the youths on the grave stelae. Therefore, if we take the youths to be soldiers, their nudity contradicts the general development of the representation of the soldier.
     On the other hand, a few contemporary stelae depict a naked figure holding a discus. Since the discus throw was one of the pentathlon contests, we can conclude that these are pentathlon athletes. Javelin throwing was also included in the pentathlon. Indeed, among the late Archaic and early Classical grave stelae there are examples showing a nude man with both a discus and a javelin. I therefore conclude that the nude figures with spears represent javelin throwers, and that the pentathlon player was a popular image at the beginning of the history of the Archaic Attic grave reliefs.
  • 近藤 和貴
    政治哲学
    2019年 26 巻 1-18
    発行日: 2019年
    公開日: 2019/11/01
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 長尾 美里
    西洋古典学研究
    2011年 59 巻 12-21
    発行日: 2011/03/23
    公開日: 2017/05/23
    ジャーナル フリー
    Through the Delian League, Athens put great value on their activities in the sanctuaries as part of the process of promoting their "imperialism". The Panathenaea festival is a good example to show how the alliance was placed under Athenian control through offerings to sanctuaries during this period. Considering this point, the sanctuaries were excellent places for late fifth century Athens to visualize their authority, as the tyrants did in the sixth century. And Delos was also one of the most important sanctuaries for Athens in the early stages of the Delian League's history. It has been suggested that its "Ionian character" was a crucial aspect in establishing it as a place for the bank of the league, but there is more to this story. In this paper, the author deals with the relationship between Athens and the Delian sanctuary in the late fifth century, especially focusing on the Athenian administrators of the sanctuaries who were called the Amphiktyones. These administrators came into existence in the history of Delos by 434 B.C. at the latest, that is, after the transfer of the bank of the Delian league from Delos to Athens. Why did Athens maintain this sanctuary during the Peloponnesian war? This question is the starting point of this paper. To address this problem, the author will summarize the role of the Amphiktyones in the Delian sanctuary by observing their accounting records ID 89, 91, 92, 93, and 94. From these records it could be said that the Amphiktyones took charge of the asset management that related to the operation of the Delia festival even in the middle of the war. A second question arises, that is, whether this was a special case for contemporary Athens or not. In the second place, to compare with the other sanctuaries which the Athenians managed at the same period in mainland Greece, the author examines the evidence from the acropolis in Athens. Because Thucydides' account of the financial situation of Athens (2.13), and a famous inscription IG I^3 52, the so-called "Kallias decree" is important evidence to consider in the relationship between Athens and the sanctuaries. The author also considers the chronological problem of the establishment of "tamiai of the other god" in the acropolis in Athens as the background of the appearance of these two administrators, the Amphiktyones and the "tamiai of the other god" respectively. To conclude, the reason why the Athenians persisted in the control of the Delian sanctuary was not only because of its Ionian character, but also because of Athenian respect for the traditional religion which had been brought down by the social instability, such as plague and war. Moreover the appearance of the Amphiktyones was not a special case, but one of the many reforms in 430's Athens.
  • 澤田 典子
    西洋古典学研究
    1994年 42 巻 67-78
    発行日: 1994/03/28
    公開日: 2017/05/23
    ジャーナル フリー
    In 344/3 B. C, Philip II sent Python of Byzantium to Athens with a proposal for the amendment(επανοθωσι&b.sigmav;)of the Peace of Philocrates, which had been concluded between Philip and Athens in 346. Recent Philippic studies tend to overemphasize Philip's friendlly attitude toward Athens and to exaggerate Athens' central role in his plan for conquering Greece. This tendency is apparent in their interpretation of the επανορθωσι&b.sigmav; negotiations of 344/3. In that year, the Persian King Artaxerxes III also sent embassies to Athens and other major Greek cities requesting that they join the Persians in the imminent campaign against the Egyptians. Most studies which emphasize Philip's friendly attitude toward Athens, interpret these events as follows : in 344/3, the simultaneous arrival of the Macedonian and Persian embassies confronted Athens with a clear-cut choice between alignment with one or the other of these two major powers ; Athens, where public opinion had been predominantly pro-Macedonian due to Philip's friendly attitude, clearly rejected the Persian appeal and entered into negotiations with Philip on the amendment of the peace. In this paper, I reexamine this common view, focusing on three main sources : Didymus 8.7-32, Hypoth. Dem.6, and[Dem]. 7.18-32. 1 conclude that there is no justification for arguing that Athens was confronted with a clear-cut choice between Macedonia and Persia in 344/3, that the Athenian answer to Persia shows the friendly relations between Philip and Athens, that in this period Philip behaved in a friendly way toward Athens, or that pro-Macedonian sentiment was predominant in Athens. Therefore, it is necessary to amend the common view which tends to emphasize Philip's friendly attitude in the επανορθωσι&b.sigmav; negotiations of 344/3. Philip's proposal in 344/3 was not an attempt to show his own friendly feelings toward Athens ; rather it may have been merely one of the many tactics he employed to smoothly carry out his program to conquer Greece, which was under way simultaneously in many parts of Greece, such as Thessaly, Thrace, and the Peloponnese. I believe that this conclusion of this paper provides a basis for amendment of the previous historical interpretations of this period, which are intrinsically Atheno-centric.
  • 石崎 嘉彦
    政治哲学
    2016年 20 巻 99-123
    発行日: 2016年
    公開日: 2019/09/05
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
    本翻訳は、Leo Strauss, The Argument and the Action of Plato's Laws, The University of Chicago Press, 1975 (Midway reprint 1983)のうち、ジョゼフ・クロプシーの「前書き」と「第一巻」を訳出したものである。
  • 田村 孝
    オリエント
    1979年 22 巻 1 号 139-152
    発行日: 1979/09/30
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    En 88/7 av. J. -C. la première guerre de Mithridate eéclata dans l'Asie Mineure. C'était la guerre entre Rome et la population indigène dirigée par Mithridate VI Eupator, roi de Pont. La population fut séparée en deux parties (pro- ou anti-romain) si bien que la guerre continua violemment de plus en plus.
    Je pense que cette guerre a exercé une grande influence sur la politique athénienne à ce moment-là. Si on analyse la liste d' archontes, on pourra comprendre cette influence. II y a un mot “anarchia” à la place de nom d'archon dans cette liste de 88/7 av. J. -C.
    Nous avons deux théories concernant “anarchia” en 88/7 av. J. -C.: celle de S. Dow (l' absence de l'archon éponyme à cause de la lourde liturgie) et celle de W. S. Ferguson et Ch. Habicht (la falsification à l'époque impériale romaine). Bien que la première soit raisonable au sens propre du mot qu'Aristote a transmis dans Ath. Pol., ce n'est pas suffisant pour expliquer pourquoi dans cette année seulement l' archon éponyme était absent. II faut réfléchir pour “anarchia” en 88/7 av. J. -C. au bouleversement politique et social à cause de la première guerre de Mithridate qui a exercé une grande influence à Athènes. La deuxième théorie est plus raisonable que la première parce qu'elle s'est bien accordée avec la situation politique en 88 av. J. -C.
    Donc la falsification nous montre qu'it y avait une tendance anti-romaine opiniâtre à Athènes au début de ler siècle av. J. -C. et qu' elle s'est manifestée comme un mouvement politique comptant sur Mithridate VI.
  • 堀井 健一
    西洋古典学研究
    1996年 44 巻 159-162
    発行日: 1996/03/15
    公開日: 2017/05/23
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 桜井 万里子
    西洋古典学研究
    1988年 36 巻 109-111
    発行日: 1988/03/18
    公開日: 2017/05/23
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 衣笠 茂
    西洋古典学研究
    1966年 14 巻 57-65
    発行日: 1966/03/28
    公開日: 2017/05/23
    ジャーナル フリー
    Thucydides was not only the first scientific historian, but also an artist, who heightened the dramatic effect in his narrative by often using antilogia and contrast. As he described the Peloponnesian War as an antagonism between two different kind of cities, Athens and Sparta, the readers probably were able to understand more easily the harshness and cruelty of the war. The constitutions, education, morals, namely all ways of life, were entirely different in the two cities. And the comparison of the different characters of Athens and Sparta is found in the speeches of the Corinthian envoy (I, 68-71), the Athenian visitor into Sparta (I. 74-78), Archidamos (I. 80-85) and Pericles (I. 140-144, II. 35-46). There Thucydides' arguments of the antilogia and contrast, which may be the influence of the sophists, were most effectively developed. It seems that the speech of the Athenian visitor is an antilogia against the Corinthian envoy and that the speeches of Pericles are the antilogias against Archidamos. Again the speech of Archidamos is an antilogia against the Corinthian envoy. On the other hand, it is the Greek way in literature to treat both antagonists with impartiality and equality. As for the antilogia, it is more dramatic if the arguments of both sides are developed with almost equal power and confidence. But how are the substances of the arguments in the speeches of the Spartan side by Thucydides? The Corinthian envoy accused the Spartans as being leisurely, conservative and old-fashioned, while the Athenians were quick, bold and progressive. Archidamos defenced the character of the Spartans in his speech and praised their thoughtfulness, bravery, discipline, etc. But the concepts of the character of the Spartans in contrast with Athenians in those speeches are found also in the tragedies of Sophocles and Euripides (as J. H. Finley showed them in his article "Euripides and Thucydides", Harvard Studies in Cl. Phil. 49). And the analysis of the powers and expected strategies of Athens and Sparta by Archidamos is repeated by Pericles more accurately in his first speeches. It is likely that Thucydides inserted the Athenian view on Sparta and its way of life, which was popular among the Athenian citizens since the ascendancy of democracy and the aggravation of rivalry against Sparta. Therefore, the antilogias of the Spartan side in those speeches were not so confident in comparison with the Athenian side. And Thucydides, the democrat and real Athenian, was peeping out, although Thucydides made an effort to treat Athens and Sparta with impartiality in his History.
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