The chronology of the Amarna Period in the late Eighteenth Egyptian Dynasty contains many perlexing problems and little agreement exists among the various theories proposed to resolve them. The latest crucial point in forming a reasonable chronology for this period is the socalled coregency hypothesis of Amenophis III and Akhenaten. So in this article I will examine all the evidence at present available and try to get a possible solution.
These twenty-two data for the coregency are as follows: (1) description of Manetho; (2) a scene in the tomb of Surer; (3) offering-table from Amarna; (4) fragments of a granite bowl from Amarna; (5) stela found in the house of Panehesi; (6) rock relief at Aswan; (7) a scene in the tomb of Kheruef; (8) lintel scenes in the tomb of Huya; (9) relief s from the temple of Soleb; (10) sarcophagus of Meketaten; (11) small stela dispicting Semenkhkare and Akhenaten; (12) various representations of Amenophis III and Akhenaten as example of filial piety; (13) two wine-jar dockets from Amarna; (14) names of estates compound with Amenophis III's. praenomen from Amarna; (15) hieratic dockets from Malqata; (16) scenes of “coronation-tribute” (and sed-festivals of Aten); (17) tomb of the vizier Ramose; (18) block from Athnibis; (19) Meidum graffito; (20) Kahun papyri; (21) hieratic docket of EA 27; (22) age and parentage of Tutankhamen (and a mummy from tomb No. 55).
The investigation of these data convince me of the difficulty in accepting the hypothetical coregency. Almost all the arguments depend for their validities upon the particular interpretations and most of these interpretations are invalid or with no decisive proofs for supporting these assumptions. Furthermore, there exists some obstacles to the coregency. First of all, the length of the coregency is mutually incompatible among data. In the next, the hypothetical coregency must explain how two religious systems in open conflict with one another and two overlapping and yet separate systems of burocracy had been able to coexist, and especially why Amenophis III had been able to escape from the persecutions of anti-Atonists. Finally, the length of the time during which Akhenaten received the Amarna Letters is too long to accept the coregency.
In short, there are little possibility of the coregency. The plausible explanation of the occurences of Amenophis III's name during the Amarna Period is that Amarna is the short-lived capital and it well preserved the expressions of the close family loyalty to the immediate predecessor without missing most of these memories like Thebes.

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This paper aims to examine the blue painted pottery from Northwest Saqqara, and to discuss changes in production technology of blue painted pottery in New Kingdom Egypt. As a result of this examination, changes in technology of pottery production, especially to fabrics, motifs and decorative techniques, are recognized. This is found from the reign of Amenophis II, mid-Eighteenth Dynasty through to the Amarna Period, late Eighteenth Dynasty. It seems that such alterations indicate the simplification in production technology of blue painted pottery. Specifically, the following changes are observed; the fabrics used in blue painted pottery changes from Marl clay which was difficult to obtain and required higher firing temperature, to Nile silt which was easy to collect from Nile alluvium and fired at a lower temperature. The motif alters from elaborated patterns including graphical faunal and floral motifs and geometrical flower motifs, to simple patterns, such as liner and dot decorations. The decorative techniques change from complicated to simplified procedures. It seems that this simplification in production technology which has occurred during mid-late Eighteenth Dynasty leads to an increase in the quantities and places of manufacture of blue painted pottery in the Nineteenth Dynasty since its production became easier than before. The one of the largest deposits of blue painted pottery from Northwest Saqqara demonstrates chronological changes from the earliest to the latest production phases. The materials from Northwest Saqqara allow us to discuss diachronic variability in blue painted pottery manufacture which has been observed so far by finds from different sites and periods separately. The study of blue painted pottery from Northwest Saqqara reveals that the major changes of its production had occurred just after the Amarna Period which is well known as a significant epoch of history, society, religion and art in New Kingdom Egypt.

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This paper aims to examine the blue-painted pottery from all sites across Egypt and Egyptianized cities outside the Nile valley, and to discuss how its production centers were developed in the New Kingdom. The examination shows that, from the reign of Amenhotep II in mid-Eighteenth Dynasty through the Amarna Period in the late Eighteenth Dynasty, the find-spots of blue-painted pottery were essentially restricted to royal residential centers, such as Memphis, Amarna and Thebes. These provenances suggest that they were manufactured particularly in a few royal workshops. While, in subsequent periods, the fi nd-spots became widespread across Egypt, and spread out to neighboring regions. From the Post-Amarna Period at the end of Eighteenth Dynasty to Nineteenth Dynasty, the blue-painted pottery was still found from the main administrative centers or royal residential cities, such as Qantir, Memphis and Thebes, but they also became known from local administrative centers, including Groub, Asyut, Abydos and Elephantine. Furthermore, the locally made blue-painted pottery appeared from the Syro-Palestinian region and the area on Egypt’s Libyan border. If we compare fabrics, forms and designs of blue-painted pottery from these sites, some marked diff erences can be recognized, and they indicate that the blue-painted pottery was manufactured in workshops at each site. Hitherto, little is known about the development of blue-painted pottery manufacturing centers during New Kingdom, since the previous studies had been conducted by using fi nds from diff erent sites and periods separately. The present study, dealing with materials from the entire country and its outer regions, reveals that the blue-painted pottery production centers came to increase just after the Amarna Period which is well known as a signifi cant epoch of history, society, religion and art in New Kingdom Egypt.

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In the Topographical Bibiliography by Porter and Moss, the tomb of Ramose (TT 46) is listed as probably belonging to “the time of Amenhotep III (?)”. This tomb was first recorded by John Gardner Wilkinson in the 19^th Century. On the basis of Wilkinson's manuscript, Helck gave some of Ramose's titles in Urkunden IV. Graefe later published a brief communication concerning Ramose's titles based on this limited information. In 1991 Bohleke assumed that Ramose's career and tomb should date to the reigns of Tutankhamun, Ay, and perhaps, the first year of Horemheb. Most recently, Kampp discussed tomb 46, mainly focusing on architecture. She dates TT 46 to the reigns of Amenhotep III and Amenhotep IV, with Ramose as the usurper of a tomb originally constructed for someone from the end of the Seventeenth Dynasty to the beginning of the Eighteenth Dynasty.
As a part of my study on the reign of Tutankhamun, I had the opportunity to visit the tombs of officials active during the reigns of Tutankhamun and his successors from the late Eighteenth Dynasty in the Theban Necropolis. A certain Ramose who has the title of Overseer of Granaries of Upper and Lower Egypt is mentioned in the year 3 stela of King Ay from Giza. Since Ramose, the owner of TT 46, also has the title of Overseer of Granaries of Upper and Lower Egypt, the tomb and the stela seem to refer to the same person, and thus the generally accepted date of Ramose's tomb seems to be questionable. During my study of TT 46, it became clear that this is a tomb from the post-Amarna period for the following reasons: 1. Ramose held the titles of the Steward of the temple of Aten as well as the High Priest of Amun in Mn-st at the same time. The names of Amun were not expunged at all but those of Aten were clearly chiseled out on the tomb walls. This strongly indicates the tomb was decorated after the Amarna period. 2. The artistic style also suggests that the tomb was decorated in the post-Amarna period. 3. A headless block statue of Ramose, Overseer of Double Granaries, may support this date. 4. Since it is known that Khaemhat was the Overseer of Granaries during the later part of the reign of Amenhotep III, Ramose could not have served as the Overseer of Double Granaries of Upper and Lower Egypt at that period.
Therefore, it is likely that Ramose served in the post-Amarna period, most probably under Tutankhamun as well as Ay, as the Overseer of Granaries of Upper and Lower Egypt, Steward of the Temple of the Aten, and High Priest of Amun in Mn-st. If so, his titulary provides the first Theban evidence that the temple of Aten was still functioning even after the Amarna period, supplementing the contemporary evidence from the Memphite necropolis.

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This paper aims to reconstruct the original height of the lotus-bud column in the portico of the Khaemwaset's stone structure at Abusir-south hill, Egypt. As a result of analysis on the proportions of Egyptian columns, their total heights tend to be a simple multiple of royal cubit and to be either six or seven times their diameters with many cases. Furthermore, the height of the capital corresponds to around a quarter of the total height of the column. On the basis of these tendencies, the original height of the column in the portico, including the column base and the abacus, is supposed to have been nine royal cubits.

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Three independent houses are preserved at the Palace of Amenhotep III in Malqata, locating to the west bank of Thebes. In the rectangular plan, a square hall is located at the center of each house with an entrance to the northeast side and a master's bedchamber is located at the southwest corner, similar to the standard Amarna-type houses. As it is evident that these houses were built before the Amarna period, they can be regarded as forerunners of the high-ranked houses in Amarna city. A study on these buildings would further contribute to the research on the origins of this house-type.

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This paper offers a new art-historical meaning regarding the grid reform of anthropomorphic representations that took place in Egypt around the mid-seventh century BC. The objective of this paper is two-fold. First, it is to demonstrate the problems with previous interpretations, which depended, on the one hand, upon the written record of Diodorus Siculus on the Egyptian method of statue production, and upon comparative analyses of the two-dimensional representation of human figures on the other. This paper offers a proportional analysis of three-dimensional objects, particularly the so-called “sculptor’s models,” and demonstrates that the clear discrepancies in the proportions between two- and three-dimensional art support a straightforward understanding of Diodorus’ account against the more “creative” interpretations suggested in recent studies.

Secondly, this paper is devoted to giving new meaning to the art-historical context of the grid reform. This reform—in which Late Period Egyptians abandoned the tradition that had functioned well for nearly 1,800 years and created a completely new system by uniting the Egyptian metrological system and the traditional method of grid projection—reflects less improvement in the appearance of the image than a metaphysical development that had never been seen or experienced before. It saw the creation of a module system based on anthropometry in a true sense, one that seems to have stimulated the Aegeans to refine the Egyptian system to suit their own cultural aesthetics in subsequent centuries. Thus, it is no exaggeration to state that anthropometry, which has been a core tenet in Western art throughout history, has its roots in Egyptian art.

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Many studies have been done on the Akhenaton's religious reformation, chiefly on its doctrines. It may, however, be more important for us to study its ritual to elucidate historical characters of the reformation. In this paper, I should like to examine the system, kinds and duties of priests at Amarna in their contrast with the traditional, and try to give a solution to the motive for the reformatoin.

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Problems, and Methods to handle them.
(1) the date when this conception appeared.
This subject must be considered not only by a text-critical method (Otto Eissfeldt), but also by a tradition-historical one (Martin Noth).
(2) the interpretation of this conception.
This conception is interpreted symbolically (H. J. Kraus) or mythologically (S. Mowinckel).
(3) the reason why this conception is held back from mentioning it in the Old Testament.
This problem must be considered by understanding the nature of internal-external attitude the Israelite cultivated in “Amphietyony”. (Jdc. 8: 22-33, 9: 1-57).
Conclusions.
(1) This conception appeared in the age when the Isralite formed “Amphictyony” and yet not built the kingdom, and they accepted from the Canaanite through the “Entmythologisierung” (G. v. Rad).
(2) Basing on H. J. Kraus's grammatical analysis of “Thronbesteigungspsalmen” and his criticism on S. Mowinckel's opinion, I understood this conception symbolically.
(3) (a) The Israelite acquired the idea of a direct theocracy in the age of “Amphictyony, ” and, as above mentioned, did so through the “Entmythologisierung.”
(b) “The History of Abimelech” symbolizes the tension between the Israelite nature and the Canaanite one. The Israelite felt a resentment against the secular kingship, so they held back from mentioning this conception (Jahwe as King) in the Old testament.

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In Palestine, the so-called “Tree of Life” motif had been represented repeatedly on Late Bronze Age potteries and cylinder seals. The style on the latters reflects almost Mitannian common style. In this connection, the author defined characteristics to the Mitannian glyptic or ornamental representation as following: 1) Union Jack pattern, 2) lattice pattern and 3) maximum use of drilling in the Tree of Life and animals of peculiar style, according to Speiser and Buchanan.
Tracing the cylinder seals under such conditions unearthed in Palestine back to archaeological context, it was attested that they were distributed to or around some of the public or sacred Late Bronze Age constructions in the cities along the main or sub-international trade route. Most of these cities accord those which have been referred in the Amarna letters as politically or strategically important points. Active economic give-and-takes among the big powers in the Amarna Age Orient may have given them direct contacts to the Mitannian art through caravans via northern Syria and small groups of northern people settled in the cities.

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