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  • 村上 俊順
    民族學研究
    1935年 1 巻 1 号 210-212
    発行日: 1935/01/01
    公開日: 2018/03/27
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 岡田 謙
    民族學研究
    1935年 1 巻 1 号 207-210
    発行日: 1935/01/01
    公開日: 2018/03/27
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 山根 周, 布野 修司, 青井 哲人, 佐藤 圭一
    日本建築学会計画系論文集
    2005年 70 巻 598 号 57-62
    発行日: 2005/12/30
    公開日: 2017/02/11
    ジャーナル フリー
    Clarifying the block formation and division of housing lots in Paramaribo, this paper discusses the influence and modification of Dutch colonial city planning in Suriname. Paramaribo is one of the uniquely preserved Dutch colonial towns in Caribbean Regions. With numerous historical buildings and wooden houses, Paramaribo was registered as one of the UNESCO World Cultural Heritage sites in 2002. This paper is based on the research project that had been launched under the title 'Field Research on Origin, Transformation, Conversion and Conservation of Urban Space of Colonial Cities', the major target of which are the Dutch colonial cities. To compare the colonial cities all over the world is ambitious objective of the project. The Dutch is well known as a developer of high densed settlement and townhouses. One of the major focuses of this paper is to clarify how the Dutch planned the block and housing lots in Paramaribo. The paper firstly studies the history of the process of establishment and development of Paramaribo and the considerations on the block formation and division of housing lots. Analyzing historical maps in terms of the block formation planned in the late 18th century, this paper clarifies that the planning of the blocks was based on the unit of measurement called Rijinlandse Roede. And from the comparison with the grid pattern of Cape Town, South Africa, this paper points out the relevance of the city planning between Paramaribo and Cape Town.
  • イデオロギーとエコロジーの交わる地平について
    廣田 郷士
    フランス語フランス文学研究
    2023年 122 巻 49-64
    発行日: 2023年
    公開日: 2023/03/31
    ジャーナル フリー

    Muse et ruse de Tropiques

    par-delà l’idéologie et l’écologie

    Satoshi HIROTA

     

      Le rapport de la revue Tropiques avec l’idéologie vichyste n’est pas sans évoquer la résistance ambiguë qu’elle oppose au régime pétainiste. Lancée en Martinique au lendemain de l’Armistice, elle survit à la censure intraitable des autorités. L’amiral Robert, chef de la Martinique vichyste, ne s’oppose pas au projet de Tropiques, qui s’inscrit à ses yeux dans le déploiement du « régionalisme ». Mais le foisonnement, dans la revue, d’un langage tropique relève de la ruse et qui reflète la posture subtile de la dissidence de Tropiques.

      Au moment même où la politique du maréchal Pétain ne cesse de promouvoir un « retour à la terre », le déguisement régionaliste de la revue prend les atours liés à la préoccupation de la nature locale. Henri Stéhlé entend dans sa contribution retrouver les superstitions africaines lovées dans la nature créole. La mémoire lointaine se manifesterait désormais dans le processus de transplantation des esclaves dans un autre environnement : l’ubiquité des êtres vivants permettrait ainsi le ré-enracinement des cultures dans la nature. L’exploration ethnobotanique révèlerait un devenir de l’imaginaire mis en rapport avec son écosystème.

      Muse de la poésie antillaise, la nature accompagne la poétique de Suzanne Césaire. Marquée par la philosophie de Leo Frobenius, Césaire aspire à exprimer une « âme » – Paideuma – de la civilisation. Sa conception essentialiste de la Kultur ne rejette toutefois pas la pluralité culturelle des Antilles ancrée dans le paysage même, de sorte que son écriture relève aussi de l’imaginaire végétal. Le langage écopoétique de Césaire se renoue avec des traces africaines et précolombiennes enfouies dans la nature. Issue de la dévastation esclavagiste, la littérature martiniquaise, que Césaire conçoit comme « cannibale », reprend son agressivité et s’attaque à l’emprise économique du monde moderne.

      Ruse idéologique et muse écologique : Tropiques inscrit sa ruse dans la résistance, et puise sa muse dans la nature. La littérature antillaise ne cessera de rétablir une parole surgie de la terre, même aprézan.

  • 松村 武雄
    民族學研究
    1943年 New1 巻 12 号 1093-1115
    発行日: 1943/12/05
    公開日: 2018/03/27
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 石塚 道子
    民族學研究
    1976年 41 巻 2 号 155-168
    発行日: 1976/09/30
    公開日: 2018/03/27
    ジャーナル フリー
    The Lesser Antilles are considered as a typical Creole Society-asociety of mulattos due to the plantation system of slavery attended by the extermination of Carib Indians which was ,caused by the Great European Powers. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the characteristics of the Creole Society in Martinique in terms of their racial and ethnic diversity. The research was based on the field work which was carried out in Martinique during the summer of 1975. Martinique has been a member of the French Overseas Department since 1946. The population is 430,000. Besides sugar and banana plantations many residents engage in tourism for their livelihood. Martinique became a French colony in 1646. By the beginning of the eighteenth century, this colony had become a wealthy sugar island. The plantation system by slavery was established step by step. At first an attempt to solve the labor problem was made by using indentured workers called Engage. From the end of the eighteenth century there were many miscegenations which led to the birth of mulattos called Mulatre. On the eve of the French Revolution, the society of Martinique had crystalized into a caste-like structure ; these were Grand Blanc (European, mainly French slave-owning planters) , Petit Blanc (European, -mainly French small farmers, craftsmen, plantation workers' descendants Engage, Mulatre (free and slaves) and Negre (slaves) . After the emancipation of 1848 about 25,000 East Indians and a smaller number of South-East Asians, some East Asians were brought into Martinique as plantation workers. Each of the groups formed an endogamous unit at least as far as legal marriage was concerned and social mobility from one group to another was difficult. Today, the ratios of the ethnic groups of the inhabitants are ; the mulattos-Mulatre (90%), the Europeans born on the island-Beke ( 2% ) , the other Europeans-Metro ( 2 %), the East Indians ( 5 % ) , the South East and East Asians and Arabs (all together 1 %). The research investigated the appellations of the ethnic groups in relation to their own and to others as well as to the factors that determined the appellation. It was found that the following factors were important determinants for referring to the different ethnic groups ; territorial status, socio-economical status, racial difference and physical appearance and geographical location. Moreover the researcher studied how these factors were related to each other within this society. The Mulatre are differenciated into three kinds of Beke in terms of their socio-economic status and each of them has a specific name. Mulatre has seven different subgroups among themselves and the Beke, the Metro in terms of racial, physical appearance and socio-economical status. In the closed society of small farmers who live in the hills and high mountains and fishermen and where the Mulatres do not have any association with the Beke and the Metro, there is no differenciation in appellation among themselves, however. The Metros are given appellations meaning "stranger" or "invader" by the Beke and the Mulatres. But the Beke and the Mulatres use different appellations for that respectably. East Indians, Asians and Arabs are not regarded as Mulatre by other groups, but they refer to themselves as Mulatre. Each ethnic group makes reference to themselves in different ways depending on whomever they are addressing. There are appellations which are used among the Beke, the Metro and the Mulatre, however the same appellation always means something different to different groups. The common usage between the Beke and the Mulatre is always the Metro. Similarly the common usage between the Beke and the Metro are found toward Mulatre.
  • 安間 清
    民族學研究
    1959年 22 巻 3-4 号 223-244
    発行日: 1959/01/25
    公開日: 2018/03/27
    ジャーナル フリー
    Almost all the people of any village or town in Nagano-ken in Japan imagine that the rainbow rises from the water. " Where does the rainbow rise from ? " Ask the question, and one almost always receive such an answer that the rainbow rises from a pond, a marsh, a river, depths, a lake, or the sea. Sometimes people tel・1 him even the name of a special and definite pond or river from which the rainbow rises. Such a traditiona] belief among people that the rainbow rises from the water is found not only in Nagano-ken, but also in Niigata-ken, Yamanashi-ken, and Chiba-ken, and even in such a far northern district as Akita-ken, according to the author's information. It can also be found in Ishikawa・ken, Fukui-ken, the urban districts of Ky6to, Hy6go-ken, Kyti-shiu, and even in Okinawa Isles. In short, this traditoinal belief that the rainbow rises from the water may be considered to be wide spread among people all over Japan. And moreover it may have exsited a'mong people since ancient times. One can find the evidence of its existence in such classics as Kojiki, Nihonshoki, and Mannyo. The documents of the Heian Dynasty show that it also exsited in that age. The origin of this traditional belief can be explained by an ancient, belief that the rainbow is a dragon or serpent that lives in the water. The ancient be]ief even now remains evidently in such prefectures as Nagano-ken, Yamanashi-ken, Akita-ken, and dita-ken, and also in Okinawa Isles. This queer ancient belief that the rainbow is a dragon or serpent which rises from its dwelling place in the water is found not only among Japanese, but also among the Ainu, Koreans, Chinese, the aborigines of Formosa, Malayans, Rumanians, and lrishmen in Europe. Africans, Austrarians, and the natives in America, in so far as it has been known to the author till now. It may be concluded that all the people in the world, perhaps, had once the ancient belief. There was another belief from old time that the rainbow was a bridge from the heaven to the earth over which various divine beings passed. This was believed not only in Japan, China, and Korea, but also among American Indians and many of Europeans. It was also a world-wide traditional belief. There was one more belief that gold, treasures, and good luck were hidden at the place from which the rainbow rose. This belief was probably world-wide from old timesand seems to have some close relation with a strange Japanese custom in the Middle Age that a fair was held at the place from which a rainbow had risen. What interests the author is the report indicating some relation between the rainbow and an old Melanesian trade custom. What has been mentioned above is the result drawn from the data ivhich the author collected and arranged, but it is too great a riddle for him to solvb why there are such traditional beliefs about the rainbow that seem to be common to all the people in the world.
  • John NealのRachel Dyerとアメリカ (文学) の独立
    白川 恵子
    アメリカ研究
    2007年 2007 巻 41 号 133-151
    発行日: 2007/03/25
    公開日: 2010/10/28
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 石田 英一郎
    民族學研究
    1950年 15 巻 1 号 1-10
    発行日: 1950/08/15
    公開日: 2018/03/27
    ジャーナル フリー
    N. Nevskii recorded on the islands of Miyako, Okinawa, a folk-tale which explains the dark spots on the moon as the form of a man carrying two water-pails with a pole, as a punishment for his sin of pouring water of rejuvenescence on serpents, and water of death on men, the opposite of what the gods had ordered him to do. Although the present-day Japanese see in the moon-spots a hare pounding rice-cake, we find in the Manyoshu, compiled in the 7-8th centuries, the phrase "water or rejuvenescence in the hands of Tsukiyomi (moon, moon-man)". The above-mentioned Okinawan tale suggests that the Japanese also had at one time a belief that the moon-man carried the water of life. The author traces the distribution of the motif of the humam figure with a water-pail (or pails) in the moon from Northern Europe through Siberia (the Yakuts, the Buryats, the Tungus) and East Asia (the Goldi, the Gilyaks, the Ainu, the Okinawans) to N. W. North America (the Tlingit, the Haida, the Kwakiutl) and New Zealand. He traces the motif of a hare (or a rat) from South Africa through India, the South Seas, Tibet, China, Mongolia, Japan etc. to North America, and finds in some folk-beliefs with the latter motif the same idea of the origin of human death as in Okinawa. Both motifs must have originated in the primitive belief of seeing in the eternal repetition of waxing and waning of the moon its immortal life or rejuvenescence, and the water carried by the moon-man (or moon-woman) must originally have meant the water of life or rejuvenescence, as in the case of the Okinawan folk-tale.
  • 狩野 千秋
    民族學研究
    1980年 44 巻 4 号 366-392
    発行日: 1980/03/31
    公開日: 2018/03/27
    ジャーナル フリー
    With the development of sedentary agriculture based on the cultivation of maize in the New World, the Feline cult emerged with the new agricultural ceremony. There are many archaeological remains related to the Feline cult, especially in the Andes and Mesoamerica where the cult flourished. The Feline cult reached its peak in the Chavin and Olmec cultures, and succeeding cultures were very much influenced by its religious beliefs and customs until the time the Spaniards arrived on the continent, though the character of the Feline god did change by the addition of some new attributes and by its absorption into the more complicated pantheon system. However, there is reliable evidence, such as the ceramic and bone objects representating the feline found in the Huallaga River basin, in the Central Highlands of Peru, which indicates that the custom of worshipping the feline animal had already begun during the pre-Chavin cultures. During this same pre-Chavin period, and separate from the agricultural ceremony, traces of special funeral rites for the local chiefs, etc., have been found. Magnificent stone tombs were constructed and among the items of offering for funeral use have been found vessels which on one side show a representation of the human face and the other side a face which is Jaguar-human ; the two effigies contrast with each other and are evidently a reflection of some dualistic idea. Such dualistic aspects can also be seen in the representations of' Chavin and Olmec art. The main theme of this paper is to inquire into the meaning and character of this kind of dual concept as it was expressed through the Feline cult. As the best examples to demonstrate this theme, I have chosen and reviewed ceramic wares and stone sculptures from Chavin art and stone effigy axes and masks from Olmec art. Also, I have revised prevailing ethnographic data on the Jaguar animal ancestor mythology, the Jaguar-Shaman transformation story, and the relationship between the Feline cult and shamanism in the New World. Through consideration of both archaeological materials and ethnological data, I have concluded that the dual aspect representation of the Feline cult must correspond to the dual role that would have been played by the chief-shaman priest in ancient times.
  • ―食老,殺老,棄老,隠居,老人福祉―
    須田 圭三
    民族衛生
    1987年 53 巻 3 号 102-122
    発行日: 1987年
    公開日: 2010/06/28
    ジャーナル フリー
    Previously, I have discussed the changes within the life cycle, or turning-points in life and their interrelationships and changes from the Tenpo era to the present. In another paper, the attention is focussed on the last phase of the life cycle, specifically upon the custom of abandonment of the elderly as reflected in various traditions and works of classical literature. Numerous sources exist, however reliable sources are limited ; thus the studies were limited from the Tenpo era to the present. During the research, I discovered the massive work "on Retirement" by Professor Muneshige Hozumi of the Faculty of Law, University of Tokyo which examines numerous works of ancient Western, Chinese and Japanese literature. This work is the result of diligent effort and examines the handling of the elderly from a legal viewpoint. According to Professor Hozumi, Indian Holy Scriptures state, "Human life is divided into a student period, a "head of the family" period and a retirement period". This classification agrees with my model of the life cycle in some respects. The first edition of this book was published 95 years ago and already belongs to the historical literature. In order to provide a reference for the continued study of the senescence period of the life cycle, I have confirmed portions of the references cited in Professor Hozumi book at the National Diet Library, University of Tokyo General Library, University of Tokyo Faculty of Economics Library and Faculty of Culture Library. Using the materials obtained from this book as a foundation (references at the end), an overall treatise on the handling of the elderly was written using the custom of cannibalism which probably originated from victimization of the elderly as well as the custom of abandoning of the elderly with final supplement by my own opinion. The range of studies on the life cycle is extensive beyond the limit of any one science. What I have unearthed is only a shallow outline. Discovery of a basal structure of cultural and social life persisting through a long time span may be a contribution to the study of human ecology.
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