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  • 川崎 康司
    オリエント
    2000年 43 巻 2 号 15-29
    発行日: 2000年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    This article discusses about an aspect of the role of Ešnunna in the international trade during the first half of the Old Babylonian period. Powerful city states in this period have been expanding their sovereignty over environs, not only having conquered their neighbours with weapon, but also having keened to control international caravan routes passing through their domains. And Ešnunna was certainly one of such successful states, expanding her territory along the Diyala river till Hamrin Basin. Among her advantages of this affair, we could count a fact that Ešnunna by nature functioned as an intermediate market at the cross-roads connecting Babylonia, Subartu (Assyria), Elam, and Mari.
    Actually several important commodities (mainly silver, slave, textiles, and tin) could be figured up as having been transmitted from one country to another via Ešnunna (see Chart 1 in p. 25), that is now traced and proved by philological evidences, texts from elsewhere but Ešnunna in combination:
    Silver was expected in the market of Ešnunna by merchants from Sippar, who came there to sell textiles and others for it (for instance, AbB 1 130, VS 8 81). Larsa obtained silver from Ešnunna, too, probably in exchange for harvests, whereas Elam also imported it in exchange for tin (see below, cf. Leemans, Foreign Trade, 77).
    Slaves from the north, including Subartians who were also popular among citizens of Aššur as their household (CCT 3 25), were traded at the market, and they were further brought into Babylonia (AbB 11 143).
    As for tin, we now know that Ešnunna kept a position to control the distribution of tin from Elam, not only to Babylonia (for instance, CT 8 37), but also to Mari (ARM 23 355, 555 and so on; cf. Michel, Amurru 1, 390f.). In connection with them, furthermore, an Old Assyrian text (AKT 3 74) acquainted us with the fact that a caravan from “the Lower Country” (mat šapiltim) was expected to bring both tin and textiles to Aššur. The present author suggests that the country was indeed Ešnunna, since it seems to be quite reasonable solution that the silver available in Ešnunna was imported there from Aššur in exchange for tin and textiles, both of that Assyrian merchants required for their own relation in trade with Anatolia.
  • 小泉 龍人
    史学雑誌
    2002年 111 巻 5 号 879-884
    発行日: 2002/05/15
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 高井 啓介
    オリエント
    2006年 49 巻 2 号 1-21
    発行日: 2006年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    The Old Babylonian Sumerian letters have been divided into three types, archival letter-orders, literary letters, and a particular group of literary letters referred to as “Gottesbriefe” or “letter-prayers.” As these terms imply, this third group includes letters addressed to various deities, that is, prayers in letter-form.
    The “Gottesbriefe” usually have a lengthy opening salutation, continue with a brief self-introduction of the letter-writer, and proceed to the body of the letter, which includes a complaint describing either the causes or the consequences of the letter-writer's suffering, together with a petition for protection or relief from the suffering. It should be strongly pointed out, however, that this formal character of “Gottesbriefe” is also shared by letters addressed to kings and others.
    The present writer particularly pays attention to the relationship between the opening salutation and the contents of the body of the letter. He proves that, both in the letters addressed to gods and those to kings, an elongated salutation apparently goes along with the inclusion of a “petition” in the body of the letter. If such relationship is true, there is no good reason to exclude the letters addressed to the kings and others from the group. However if the letters addressed to the kings and others are included in the same group, as those addressed to gods, that is the “letter-prayer” category, the term “letter prayers” is no longer an appropriate label. The present writer proposes that, if a label for this group is necessary, “letter of petition” should be adequate.
    The present writer also describes the probable course of the gradual transformation that the Old Babylonian Sumerian archival and literary letters experienced.
  • 小川 英雄
    オリエント
    1986年 29 巻 1 号 32-47
    発行日: 1986/09/30
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    Hideo OGAWA, On Relationships of Hellenistic Towers at Tel Zeror, Khirbet Qumran and Jerusalem: Investigations on the Strato's Tower at Caesarea Maritima have long been done but few scholars have cited the Hellenistic tower at a nearby site, Tel Zeror, even after its discovery in 1964 and 1966.
    On the other hand, many studies of the Dead Sea Scrolls have appeared regularly but few have been associated with the architecture of Khirbet Qumran. This situation is true even concerning the tower of periods Ib and II which is one of the most remarkable kinds of buildings at the Khirbet. And it is only quite recently that some Hellenistic towers in and arround Jerusalem have been examined systematically.
    These Hellenistic towers must have been interrelated for their chronological coincidence and architectural similarities are very conspicuous. In this article, the author concludes that various Phoenician immigrants from the northern coastal area of the Sharon district must have joined the Qumran sect at the beginning of IIb as architects, proselytes, and specialists of husbandry when the tower was established as the headquarters of hundreds of hermits. It is possible, too, that some other people must have entered Jerusalem and its vicinity, and that these Phoenicians were, in fact, the promoters of the phenomenon of towers in Hellenistic Palestine.
  • ドゥレーヘム暦の改定
    五味 亨
    オリエント
    1977年 20 巻 2 号 13-34,142
    発行日: 1977年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    A normal year with an intercalary month—What does it mean? Such a curious year cannot theoretically exist. But the Drehem calendar could have such a year once in its short history. This article is devoted to the in all probability only one example of such a seemingly very curious phenomenon which did take place in the third regnal year of Šusin, the fourth king of the III Ur dynasty.
    According to Drehem texts, years began either with the iti-maš-dà-kú month or with the iti-še-gur10-ku5. That we find two different systems of calendar in one and the same place, Drehem, has seriously disturbed many eminent Assyriologists as, for instance, F. Thureau-Dangin, H. de Genouillac, B. Landsberger. Of course this kind of coexistence cannot be true, because otherwise it must necessarily have brought inevitable confusions into all spheres of everday life and activities of those days. In fact, both of these two systems were not used simultaneously. One which began with the iti-maš-dà-kú month was used only in the years between the 39th regnal year of Šulgi and the third year of Šusin. On the contrary, the other system beginning with the iti-še-gur10-ku5 month and thus making the iti-maš-dà-kú month the second was not used until the fourth year of Šusin.
    This change of the month with which years began leads us to the acceptable assumption that an amendment which made the iti-še-gur-ku5 the first month must have taken place most probably at the end of the third year. If so, the iti-še-gur10-ku5 month as first month of the fourth year follows immediately after the month of the same name, i. e. another iti-še-gur10-ku5 which is the last month of the previous year. What happens, then? A very serious confusion in dating of administrative documents isn't to be avoided. I see a clear trace of scribes' endeavor to avoid such a not always inevitable confusion in their placing an intercalary month in the third year of Šusin.
    This year has been, however, considered as an undoubtedly pure intercalary year by scholars with no single exception because of its having an intercalary month, i. e. iti-diri-ezem-dme-ki-gál (-e-ús-sa) ‘an additional (month which follows the) month of the festival of me. ki. gál.’ If this is correct, then the year must have had not 12 but 13 months. But at end of some texts of the year man finds the following colophon: iti-maš-dà-kú-ta iti-diri-ezem-dme-ki-gái (-e-ús-sa)-šè iti-12-kam. This indicates the absence of the month iti-še-gur10-ku5 in the year. The insertion of an intercalary month as a very substitute of the normal twelfth month iti-še-gur10-ku5 and instead the omission of the latter are, in my judgemet, a wise device in order to avoid the above-mentioned possible confusion.
    How can we prove our assumption true? We find some referrences to some of Nippur festivals among Drehem texts. The ezem-gu4-si-su festival after which the second month of the Nippur calendar, iti-gu4-si-su, was named, was celebrated in this city in the second month and animal disbursement for it was recorded in Drehem texts of the iti-šeš-da-kú (in the years Šulgi 46, Amarsin 1, 3, 4, 7, Šusin 1, 2) and iti-maš-dà-kú (in Šusin 7). This shows us clearly that the second month of the Nippur calendar, iti-gu4-si-su, corresponded to the iti-šeš-da-kú in the period before Šusin 3 and to the iti-maš-dà-kú since Šusin's fourth year. It means the amendment of the Drehem calendar took place in his
  • オリエント
    1980年 23 巻 2 号 253-273
    発行日: 1980年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
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