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  • 渡辺 千香子
    オリエント
    2012年 55 巻 1 号 47-52
    発行日: 2012/09/30
    公開日: 2016/04/26
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 岡部 篤行
    地学雑誌
    1997年 106 巻 6 号 Plate10-Plate11
    発行日: 1997/12/25
    公開日: 2009/11/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 吉岡 明子
    国際政治
    2010年 2010 巻 159 号 159_131-145
    発行日: 2010/02/25
    公開日: 2012/06/15
    ジャーナル フリー
    After the war on Iraq in 2003, neighbouring Arab countries kept a distance from Iraq. Although diplomatic relationship of all the Arab countries was normalized with Iraq after the transfer of sovereignty in 2004, their diplomatic presence was kept at a relatively low profile.
    The cold relationship between them was caused by the transformation in security circumstances and Arabism. With regard to the security circumstances, the democratic domino theory, advocated by the U.S. government, was considered a threat by authoritarian Arab states, since it might have potentially exposed their own political power to danger. After the war, not only did extreme federalism in Iraq accelerate their fear of the partition of Iraq but also the newly established Iraqi government was deemed too weak and incompetent to deal with insurgents and stabilize Iraq. Iraq, consequently, became the country that might open the way to regional destabilization in the eyes of Arab states. At the same time, actors in the Iraqi political arena changed substantially as a result of the collapse of the Saddam regime, the impact of which was most apparent on the transformation in Arabism in Iraq. The draft of the new Iraqi constitution ratified in the National Assembly in 2005 did not stipulate clearly that Iraq was a part of the Arab nations. In addition, Iran rapidly developed close friendly relationships with Iraq, leveraging lucratively their connections with Iraqi politicians, formed when those politicians had formerly been dissident activists. This stirred up fear among Arab states that Iran was expanding its political clout in Iraq, which they felt must be part of the Arab world.
    On the other hand, the new Iraqi leaders were extremely distrustful of Arab governments, because they felt that the Arabs had turned a blind eye to the cruel oppression by Saddam against his own people. The Iraqi government also repeatedly criticized Arab countries, accusing them of sending Arab insurgents to Iraq who were thwarting the stabilization of Iraq. The Iraqi leaders recognized Arab countries as threats to their own security.
    However, after signs of security improvement and embeddedness of a new political system in Iraq, Arab states have begun to show gradual involvement in Iraq since the summer of 2008. Even though the transformations are undesirable for Arabs, they do not have the power to alter the reality. Five years after the war could be the time required for them to accept the new reality.
  • 酒井 啓子
    国際政治
    2005年 2005 巻 141 号 10-24,L6
    発行日: 2005/05/29
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The Iraq War was a typical case of military intervention aimed at bringing about a regime change in a hostile state. The Bush administration had regarded Saddam's regime in Iraq as a threat to US security since 2001 and decided to bring about a regime change by force in 2003, with the collaboration of Iraqis expatriates. The US was neither the first nor the only foreign power to be invited to intervene in Iraqi domestic political rivalry. Opposition groups such as the Islamists and Arab Nationalists who had been sponsored in Iran and Syria, had a long history of making use of their host states' desire to interfere in Iraqi domestic politics. In contrast, the US administration after the Gulf War, was reluctant to recruit from existing Iraqi opposition groups in Iraq as agents of intervention; instead the US explored new sources of collaborators from independent Iraqis in exile, such as Ahmad al-Chalabi of the INC.
    After the INC failed to unite the whole opposition movement abroad, the Bush administration renewed its efforts to support Iraqi opposition groups by passing the Iraqi Liberation Act in 1998. On the basis of provisions set out in this Act, the US started to openly finance Iraqi opposition groups including the SCIRI-hardline Islamists hosted by Iran since 1982. It was clear that the SCIRI and other political opposition groups with a domestic power base played a more crucial role inside Iraq in putting pressure on the regime, than the expatriates groups which had no power base in Iraq. Rivalry between expatriate and domestic-based Islamists intensified when the Pentagon simply decided to make al-Chalabi the post-War Iraqi leader, abandoning the idea of setting up a government-in-exile in preparation for the post-Saddam era. SCIRI and other Islamists in exile, such as the al-Da'wa Party overtly criticised the US military occupation, and reestablished their power bases by means of their religious networks in Iraq. They also had to compete for popular support with the indigenous Islamic movements led by Muqtada al-Sadr and the followers of Ali al-Sistani.
    In due course the SCIRI and al-Da'wa started to split from other pro-US political groups when they took part in the first election for the National Assembly in 2005. They broke with the post-war strategy planned by the US by forming a Shiite coalition under the auspices of al-Sistani. For them the US military intervention was nothing more than a tool to topple Saddam's regime, and it was they who had accomplished the final stages of regime change-not as the US had intended but in a way consistent with their own political aims.
  • 石生 義人
    選挙研究
    2012年 28 巻 1 号 72-87
    発行日: 2012年
    公開日: 2017/09/01
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
    本論文では,2004年大統領選挙時点におけるイラク戦争支持の決定要因をサーベイデータを使って分析した。その結果,アメリカ人のイラク戦争支持に影響を与えていた社会・心理的特徴は,帰属政党,信仰宗教・宗派,愛国心,最終学歴であることがわかった。 帰属政党に関しては,共和党帰属者が最もイラク戦争支持傾向が強く,民主党帰属者が最も弱かった。信仰宗教・宗派に関しては,キリスト教バプテスト派が最も支持傾向が強く,ルター派・メソジスト派の支持が特に弱かった。愛国心はイラク戦争支持に正の影響を与えていた。最終学歴に関しては,大学院等の教育を受けている人の支持傾向が弱く,短大卒以下の最終学歴を持つ人の支持傾向が強かった。これら四つの要因が,イラク戦争の正当性を批判的に評価することを促進または抑制し,その結果として戦争支持態度が影響を受けたと考えられる。
  • 和田 修一
    法政論叢
    2008年 44 巻 2 号 143-164
    発行日: 2008/05/15
    公開日: 2017/11/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    In the U.S. foreign and security policy-making process, the President and Congress work together relying on two important traditions. The first one is the "bipartisan diplomacy," initiated by Senator Arthur Vandenberg immediately after the World War II. Vandenberg's assertion that "politics stops at the water's edge" led the cooperative actions between the President and Congress in the formation of the Cold War policy in the late 1940s. Next is the principle of "checks and balances" between the legislative and the executive branches. With an idea of "separating purse and sword," Congress is empowered by the Constitution to declare war, and to appropriate funds for war. Along with these contradicting traditions, Congress exerts a considerable amount of influence on the U.S. foreign and security policy. This article will examine the Congressional actions on the Iraq issue since 2001. Receiving historically high supporting rate after the 9-11 terror attacks, President George W. Bush launched the war on terror in October 2001, and he strived for attacking Iraq in March 2003. Congress participated in this process by both authorizing the use of force, and funding the cost of war and reconstruction in Afghanistan and Iraq. In spite of Bush's May 2003 announcement that Major combat operations in Iraq have ended, the situation in Iraq developed into chaos. Moreover, the suspicion was raised over the U.S. intelligence report on Saddam Hussein's development of weapon of mass destruction (WMD), which was the grounds for the U.S. attack on Iraq. I argue that Congress had supported the President to launch the war against Iraq at the beginning. Congress, however, changes its tone and started strengthening its oversight power in response to the growing criticism of the American electorate against Bush's Iraq policy. Especially after the mid-term election in 2006, when the electorate gave a majority to the Democratic Party in both the House and the Senate, Congress tried to change the Iraq policy by introducing bills and resolutions to set the deadline of withdrawing the U.S. military from Iraq. In terms of the Iraq issue, Congress has played as a catalyst to mediate between the President and the American electorate.
  • 髙岡 豊
    日本中東学会年報
    2010年 26 巻 1 号 41-74
    発行日: 2010/07/15
    公開日: 2018/03/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    This study attempts to verify the truth of commonly held assertions or assumptions about the problem of infiltration of Mujāhidūn into Iraq via Syria (Infiltration Problem). The study focuses on tribes in the region of North Eastern Syria, because there are many analyses that make assumptions about the importance of their role without a practical basis. Preceding studies revealed that there are four types of actors in the mechanism of the Infiltration: “Infiltrators,” “Recruiters,” “Coordinators,” and “Accepters.” Good relations and cooperation between the latter three actors are key factors for successful infiltration into Iraq. Usually, the inhabitants of North Eastern Syria are considered to play the role of “Coordinators.” The study presents major discussions and facts about the Infiltration Problem, such as tribal linkage between Syria and the Arabian Peninsula, tribal linkage between Syria and Iraq, Syrian policy toward the Infiltration Problem, and the possible relationship between smuggling and the Infiltration Problem. Although it is difficult to examine Syrian policy toward the Infiltration Problem, or to acquire reliable information about the smuggling network, the study attempts to verify the importance of the role of tribal relationships and sympathy for the Mujāhidūn on the Syrian side with regard to the Infiltration Problem. The results indicate that the role of tribal relationships and sympathy for the Mujāhidūn has been overestimated. On the other hand, it also demonstrates that there is, to some extent, an ideological contradiction between actors with regard to the Infiltration Problem. The importance of understanding the Infiltration Problem by taking a subjective approach will be crucial in the short term. Hence, improved ways of conducting research about the Infiltration Problem are still required.
  • 今井 静
    日本中東学会年報
    2012年 28 巻 1 号 125-148
    発行日: 2012/07/15
    公開日: 2018/03/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    This paper aims to describe Jordan’s trade-related interaction with Iraq and its economic and social development from the 1970s to the 1980s. It views Jordan’s state of affairs from an empirical aspect on the basis of its recent internal and external situations, including its diverse relationship with Iraq existing since that period. The first section shows the actual condition of Jordan’s trade with Iraq from 1976 to 1990. The second section analyzes the development plans formulated by the Jordanian government aiming to reconstruct the economic and social structure of the East Bank after the occupation of the West Bank by the Israeli Army in 1967. Moreover, this section discusses the financial support provided by the Iraqi government for the improvement of the Aqaba Port and the highways connecting Aqaba and central Jordan or the Iraqi border. Finally, the third section explicates the development of the Aqaba port and the transformation of South Jordan. Through these discussions, this paper concludes the following points. Jordan succeeded in not only receiving aid but also in building substantial relations with Iraq through trade; this was the reason for maintaining relations with Iraq after the decline of financial support by Iraq. The influence of this relationship was also witnessed in Jordan’s domestic economy and society; and the transformation of South Jordan was brought about by not only large investments in ports and roads but also the incorporation of a transport system including Iraq.
  • 光原 奈美, 大沼 巧
    日本地質学会学術大会講演要旨
    2013年 2013 巻 R12-O-1
    発行日: 2013年
    公開日: 2014/04/01
    会議録・要旨集 フリー
  • 地学雑誌
    1956年 65 巻 4 号 209
    発行日: 1956/12/30
    公開日: 2009/11/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 脇村 義太郎
    燃料協会誌
    1934年 13 巻 2 号 191-204
    発行日: 1934/02/20
    公開日: 2010/06/28
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 高橋 和夫
    国際政治
    1987年 1987 巻 86 号 68-82,L9
    発行日: 1987/10/24
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    Calling the Kurds a minority is a misnomer, for they constitute the overwhelming majority in Kurdistan. Their tragedy is that the borders of five countries crisscross Kurdistan making them a minority in all of these states, namely, Iran, Iraq, Turkey, Syria and the Soviet Union.
    From the nineteenth century onwards, the Kurds have been struggling for autonomy in the process of which they have tasted moments of exhilaration as well as despair. Shortly after the Second World War, in January 1946, the Kurds in Iran proclaimed the establishment of the Kurdish Republic of Mahabad in Iranian Kurdistan only to see its demise before the year was out. Later, the focus of their struggle shifted to Iraqi-Kurdistan. The charismatic leader, Mullah Mustafa Barzani, led a series of heroic struggles against Baghdad before, during and well after the Second World War. After his final defeat in 1975, Kurdistan experienced an uneasy period of peace.
    The revolution in Iran, however, opened up the opportunity for the Kurds to assert their autonomy for the third time since the end of the Second World War. Taking advantage of a brief decline in the authority of the central government, the Iranian Kurds began to demand autonomy. But the revolutionary government has not complied, for it is apprehensive about the possibility of other minorities following suit, which it fears could lead to Iran's dismemberment. Ever since 1979 a civil war has been fought in Kurdistan.
    The start of the all-out war between Iraq and Iran strengthened the Kurdish resolve for autonomy, for Iraq openly supported the Iranian Kurds. Iran countered by aiding the Iraqi-Kurds against Baghdad. As the fortunes of war shifted on the southern front from Iraq to Iran, so did the situation in the north. By the summer of 1983, after regaining control over its part of Kurdistan, Tehran, aided by the Iraqi Kurds, sent its army into Iraqi Kurdistan.
    With the concentration of the Iraqi forces on the southern and central fronts, and with the support of both Iran and Syria, the Iraqi-Kurds have steadily expanded their control over substantial parts of Iraqi-Kurdistan. They are already in a position to threaten the pipe-lines and the highway that run through Kurdistan, linking Turkey and Iraq. They also provide sanctuary for the Turkish Kurds who in 1984 started a wide spread guerilla campaign against targets inside Turkey. Thus, Kurdish agitation has spilled over into Turkey. Ankara retaliated first by bombing targets inside Iraq and later increasingly by sending troops across the border into Iraq, straining its relations with Iran and Syria. Also Turkey's intervention in Iraqi Kurdistan has fueled speculation that Turkey might occupy Iraqi-Kurdistan, should the Ba'athist regime in Baghdad show signs of imminent collapse. It seems that under the darkening shadow of the Gulf War, “the third wave” of the Kurdish struggle for autonmy has been building up momentum towards an explosive climax over the fate of Iraqi Kurdistan.
  • 糸賀 昌昭
    国際政治
    1969年 1969 巻 40 号 152-156
    発行日: 1970/03/15
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 谷口 友孝
    土木学会論文集F4(建設マネジメント)
    2012年 68 巻 4 号 I_243-I_249
    発行日: 2012年
    公開日: 2013/04/04
    ジャーナル フリー
     2003年に発生したイラク戦争はライフラインである電気,水,通信,道路などのインフラに甚大な被害をもたらした.本稿ではこれらインフラ復旧事業の中でも日本のODA(政府開発援助)で実施されたイラク南北約900キロに及ぶ基幹通信網の復旧事業に関し,治安悪化状況下のためプロジェクトチームが一堂に会してイラク国内に集まれない状態で,隣国からの遠隔監理によって完工まで導いた成功要因について分析し報告する.
  • 山尾 大
    国際政治
    2011年 2011 巻 166 号 166_142-155
    発行日: 2011/08/30
    公開日: 2013/09/19
    ジャーナル フリー
    A great number of scholarship has been devoted to examining the impacts of domestic politics to foreign policies.
    Many studies have also examined the impacts of international politics to domestic politics, focusing on democracybuilding or constructing political institutions within the framework of the state-building.
    However, such scholarship has not focused enough on the impacts of international politics to opposition forces and their relationship to political conflict in the post-conflict era.
    In countries that have experienced regime change, the formerly exiled opposition forces that became the ruling parties had changed their policies under the influence of the host country and other foreign actors in international politics during their exile.
    This paper sheds light on the two main Iraqi Islamist parties, the Dawa Party and the SCIRI, and clarifies their changing policies under the influence of the host countries and international politics.
    It also makes clear how these changes were reflected by the political conflict in post-war Iraq.
    Scholars of Iraqi politics have discussed the reasons of political conflict in post-war Iraq as following: (1) sectarian conflicts as a result of the artificiality of the Iraqi state; and (2) struggles for the mobilization of votes in elections.
    Against these arguments, this paper considers the historical and international impacts on the formerly exiled Islamist ruling parties as a more significant factor in explaining the reasons for political conflict in post-war Iraq.
    By analyzing primary sources on segmentations of the Dawa Party and the SCIRI after their exile, the following two facts are clarified: First, the two Islamist parties came to have differing ideology as well as policy as a result of the influences from the host country and international politics, which reflected the political conflict in post-war Iraq.
    The SCIRI maintained good relations with the host country, Iran, and had its original Islamist ideology, while the Dawa Party, not being able to maintain cooperative relations with the host country, consequently changed its Islamist ideology to a more nationalist ideology under the direct influence of western society.
    In the post-war era, the SCIRI attempted to construct a regional government in the south based on a transnational Islamist ideology, while the Dawa Party attempted to construct a centralized government based on a nationalism that aimed to strengthen national unity.
    Second, the international societies'intervention into the Iraqi opposition forces created mutual distrust, which in turn prolonged political conflict in post-war era.
    Therefore, an analysis of the historical and international impacts on opposition forces is necessary to understand the reasons for the political struggles in the post-conflict countries.
  • 横井 研一, 佐藤 隆一
    石油技術協会誌
    2004年 69 巻 1 号 12-22
    発行日: 2004年
    公開日: 2008/03/27
    ジャーナル フリー
    Geological Survey Department of Japan National Oil Corporation has been conducting in-house studies on petroleum geology and undeveloped giant fields of Iraq, and this paper gives an outline of the results of the studies.
    Iraqi oil fields have the following characteristics: i) Main reservoirs are the Cretaceous carbonate and sandstone rocks in southern oil fields and the Tertiary carbonate rocks in northern oil fields, ii) Typical structures are gentle anticline in southern oil fields and steep anticline with
    reverse fault in northern oil fields, iii) Oil fields have multiple reservoirs.
    In southern Iraq, there are many undeveloped giant fields including Majnoon, West Qurna and Bin Omar fields, which have reserves of more than 5 billion barrels. Main reservoirs of the fields are the early Cretaceous Yamama formation, Zubair formation, Nahr Umr formation and the late Cretaceous Mishrif formation. The area where each formation shows good reservoir properties are restricted and this can be explained by the difference of depositional environment of the formation in the area.
    Development costs of the undeveloped fields in southern Iraq are estimated to be from hundreds of millions of dollars to billions of dollars although unit costs($/bbl) for the development are fairly low. Difference in productive formations and/or operation environments(desert or swamp) affect the development costs.
  • 鈴木 隆雄
    日本臨床麻酔学会誌
    2011年 31 巻 4 号 629-636
    発行日: 2011年
    公開日: 2011/08/15
    ジャーナル フリー
      イラク,アフガニスタンともに紛争地であるが,医療事情は大きく異なる.イラクは1991年から2004年まで国連の経済制裁下に置かれていたが,人的資源では自立再生可能な範囲にあり,2003年のイラク戦争後の経済回復で医療機器が充実し医療事情も驚くほど向上している.アフガニスタンは1979年のソ連軍侵攻以来,現在に至るまで経済が麻痺し,社会的インフラも大きく破壊されたため自立再生に向けた人的資源も不十分である.
      両国とも紛争地のため戦傷外科麻酔が行われる.戦傷外科麻酔は麻酔の基本についてだけでなく,術後管理,栄養管理等の周辺領域においても原点を考えさせられる分野である.
  • 福井 勝義
    アフリカ研究
    1969年 1969 巻 9 号 1-18
    発行日: 1969/11/30
    公開日: 2010/04/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    The Iraqw inhabit chiefly the Mbulu District in the north Tanzania, the majority of the tribe living in the pleateau grassland zone at an altitude of 1900-2100m above the Rift Wall. Their total population amounts to over 130, 000. The Iragw cultivate crops, mainly maize and sorghum, while they raise cattle, goats, sheep, and a few donkeys.
    In my previous paper (1969), I investigated the production mode of the Iraqw, and concluded that little organic relationship was to be found in their subsistence economy between their crop-cultivation and stock-raising. Consequently I propose a distinction between “agrico-pastoral”, where little organic relationship exists between the two, and “mixed farming”, where the two elements form an organic whole.
    The “agrico-pastoral” Iraqw consequently exhibits an ecological adaptability different from that of the agricultural Bantu group or the pastoral Nilotic group, possesing their own modes of territorial expansion and land-use. This may also be contrasted with that of “mixed farming”, where cropcultivation and stock-raising form an organic whole. The examination of tribal socety from ecological viewpoint helps to fill out the general picture in details which are easily overlooked when viewing it simply from the standpoint of social structure. By considering a local society from this ecological viewpoint, it is possible to gain a broader insight into tribal society, which in turn helps to clarify intertribal relations. Further it is possible that such an assessment will provide a key to the historical process of tribal society.
    I spent about one year from November, 1964 to October, 1965 in the Mbulu District of the north Tanzania, as a member of the Kyoto University Africa Scientific Expedition Team. During this time, the investigation base was originally built in Giting area, which opens onto the northern face of Mt. Hanang (3418m alt.). The present paper is based on the anthropological field work of the Iraqw at that time.
    In this paper, I have endeavored to describe the habitat, migration, settlement and land-use of the Iraqw in the Giting area. I have shown their connection with other tribes, in particular the Datoga, and have put my own theory on the characteristics of the Iraqw “agrico-pastoral” society as seen from an ecological point of view.
    1) The relationship between the agricultural element and the pastoral element in these two differing cases may be expressed by the following formulae:
    * “agrico-pastoral”......c=p⋅a
    * “mixed farming”......C=a/p
    a: agricultural element
    p: pastoral element
    c or C: constant
    In Iraqw society, a tends to expand in plateaugrassland areas, p in wooded savanna areas. In contrast to this is the case of “mixed farming” where a and p are inseparably bound together, so that they are in direct proportion to one another. In either case, one may distinguish a number of different types according to the difference of circumstances, and the constant c or C changes accordingly.
    Here I am content to propose this as a hypothesis for the purpose of characterizing the Iraqw society. Subsequent investigation of materials will allow me to clarify the problem in greater detail.
    2) That the agricultural and pastoral elements in the Iraqw society are in inverse proportion to one another tends to produce certain special characteristics in their intertribal relations. That is to say, in their pastoral facet the Iraqw are connected with the pastoral Datoga tribe, while in their agricultural facet they are connected with the Bantu agricultural tribes. This is closely connected with the change in the ecosystem. This territorial expansion by the Iraqw affords a clue to us in the study of their historical evolution.
  • 甲斐 静馬
    国際政治
    1959年 1959 巻 7 号 110-122
    発行日: 1959/01/10
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 山尾 大
    国際政治
    2014年 2014 巻 178 号 178_102-178_117
    発行日: 2014/11/10
    公開日: 2015/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    In the post-Cold War era, national integration has become increasingly important in the face of fragmentation within the nation-state. This phenomenon has been spurred on by political changes in general and ethnic conflicts or civil wars in particular. These political changes affect the process of national integration in post-conflict societies enormously. It sees a new regime attempt to impose its vision of the nation from above by utilizing both cultural resources and official education. When it comes to re-constructing the collective identity of the nation, education has played a significant role. This paper thus attempts to examine policies of national integration and how they have changed over time. It focuses on the case of Iraq, a country that has experienced massive political change following the U.S. invasion in 2003 and subsequent civil war in 2006.
    This paper will look at the school textbooks of both the old Ba‘thist regime and the new regime in Iraq. It will plot the way that history, geography, national social education, and religion are taught from the first year of elementary school to the third year of high school, and then analyse how external factors—those that brought about the regime change—influenced a shift of national integration policies. To understand the comprehensive characteristics of national integration policies, the policies are analysed from three perspectives: legitimatization of the regime, description of the enemy of the nation, and pride of the nation.
    The paper makes three main findings. It demonstrates that the old regime attempted to legitimatize itself as revolutionary, focusing on its leader’s charismatic characteristics and intended to develop national integration on these bases. The new regime, however, emphasized historical coherence of the nation,patriotism, and the fundamental principle of rule of law, which it held as essential for nation building. The second finding is that, as far as the enemy of the nation is concerned, the old regime positioned Iran as the its enemy throughout its history, and attempted to emphasize national integration to protect the Iraqi nation against Iranian invasion. By contrast, the new regime was not able to define an external enemy. When it came to instilling pride in the nation, the old regime linked its society to Mesopotamian civilization as well as the glorious history of Islamic civilization, whereas the new regime, inheriting these Mesopotamian and Islamic heritages, created a new ‘national history’, stressing the Iraqi nation and its implementation of democracy and freedom as that which should bestow the pride for nationals. Centrally, the new textbooks emphasized democracy as that which ensured equality within the nation, which consequently cultivated a sense of national identity.
    It can thus be said that policies of national integration shifted to emphasize integration based on democracy and equality, and that these new elements of national integration were not only de-historical, but also external in terms of a so-called ‘ethnie’. The new national history stresses the Iraqi nation’s victory to achieve democracy and freedom, and paints this as essential to legitimatize its policy of national integration.
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