The Independent State of Croatia (Nezavisna Država Hrvatska, NDH) was constructed as a Nazi-puppet state, which spanned across a large part of what is now Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina, after the occupation of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia in April 1941. Because of its close relationship to the Nazi Party, Ustasha—a notorious Croatian political organization—attained power over NDH. Core members of the group emulated the fascist movements during WWI and WWII in Europe and forged ahead with a similar totalitarian policy in NDH, revising previous systems of governance.

The highest aim of these reforms was the achievement of national unity, implanting the ‘Ustasha spirit’ throughout the nation. Considering the nationalistic character of the Ustasha movement, it seems reasonable to suppose that ideological discourses on nationalization were consistent inside the regime. However, previous studies have argued that the relationship between Ustasha and Tias Mortigjija—the chief editor of the major weekly newspaper Spremnost from May 1943 to the end of 1944—became tense due to disagreements regarding the editorial policy. Considering the variable nature of Croatian nationalism at that time, which was caused by increasing communist resistance and tangled relations with the Axis powers, the specific course of action of nationalization under the NDH regime must be investigated.

This article analyses how Spremnost carried on propaganda work about Croatian nationalism during the period when Mortigjija was the chief director. Regarding the ideology of the Ustasha movement, it must be noticed that the leadership coped with the mobilization of the youth from the outset of NDH, training them as ‘elites’ who would conduct state affairs in the future. Ustasha thus implemented various educational policy measures to establish elitism in the mind of the younger generation (founding the Ustasha Youth, ‘purifying’ the school and the university and so on). As a result of this fascistic attempt, Zagreb University students were encouraged to develop their own political consciousness and became radicalized to adopt a resolution in April 1944 that asserted their loyalty to the Ustasha movement. Despite the discordance with the regime, Mortigjija seemed to sympathize with the appearance of the ‘elite’. The propaganda of Spremnost thus began to feature content associated with the Zagreb University students’ resolution and the student journal Plug, which was published in 1944.

Initially, Ustasha defined the image of the Croatian state as one that belonged to the ‘West’, including it in the cultural circle of Europe, and one that had a vital role as a bulwark against the ‘East’. However, through the political rhetoric of Spremnost and Plug, this image was transformed, arguing that the Croatian state was a guardian of the Balkan States and emphasizing the cultural legacy of the ‘West’. On the other hand, the image of Croats was modified to reflect changing religious policies. The leadership reinterpreted Orthodoxy as a traditional faith in Croatia and instituted the Croatian Orthodox Church in June 1942 to assimilate Serbs to NDH.

Following this ‘political tolerance’, an article of Spremnost advocated that Croats must possess three types of faith: Catholic, Islam and Orthodoxy. Moreover, it was highlighted and reiterated that the integrated nationalism of Croats was a Balkan-oriented one. In conclusion, the ideological discourse on nationalization in NDH was obviously altered to include religious pluralism during WWII in response to the international environment and to internal conflicts. ‘Balkan’ thus became a symbol of the nation.

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The impact of 9/11 was strong enough to change the Swedish security doctrine of neutrality that had existed since the Cold War. The Swedish Prime Minister Göran Persson and Foreign Minister Anna Lindh stated that the security policy of 1992, that is “Military non-alliance making it possible to remain neutral in the event of conflicts in the vicinity”, had served well. This means that Sweden has practically abandoned its neutrality, confronting international terrorism.
Swedish society, generally known as ‘an open society’, has many internal “security holes” and the terrorist incident in central Stockholm on December 11th 2010 exposed such kind of vulnerability. That incident was “home-grown” and the generous migration policy was challenged again.
This article investigates ‘the securitization of migration’ in Sweden using the analytical framework of ‘securitization’ the Copenhagen School provided. The Copenhagen School insists that ‘speech act’ by securitizing actor(s) and ‘acceptance of the audience’ are required in the process of securitization and that ‘extraordinary measures’ beyond the state’s standard political procedure will be legitimated. The first two steps mentioned above are well discussed in Sweden in earlier research (e.g. by Abiri), while the third one is still controversial. Therefore, my aim in this article is to present a crucial example of an extraordinary measure.
Indeed, the securitization of migration started to occur already in the 1990s or earlier, but a conclusive extraordinary measure was not implemented until December 2001, namely the case of repatriation of two Egyptians (Egyptenavvisningarna). In 2005 the Parliamentary Ombudsmen (Justitieombudsmännen) and the Committee on the Constitution (Konstitutionsutskottet) investigated this deviant case and declared that the governmental action was too optimistic and that the method of the repatriation was inappropriate. The repatriation itself has been treated as an accomplished fact in the Parliament even though the decision was adopted in irregular procedure. Therefore, this result leads us to the conclusion that the process of the securitization of migration has been fulfilled.
The Securitization of migration in Sweden is still idling and there are no signs of ‘desecuritization’ after the terrorist incident in Stockholm. Furthermore, the sequential terrorist attacks in Norway in July 2011 are thought-provoking and indicate that the Nordic societies have to cope with migrational issues.

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This paper draws on the communication model of linguistic anthropology to explore the interactions in which media discourse and translation function and where journalists as well as translators participate as active agents. Based on discourse analysis on BBC documentary series The Death of Yugoslavia translated into Japanese by NHK, it shows that documentary translation as one of the significant media translation practices occurs in the socio-cultural and historical context and is created through the active processes of contextualization and textualization. It points out the importance of the role of media translation in this globalizing world and its further directions.

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Private enterprise in Great Britain has caused problems of industrial pollution in local communities since the Industrial Revolution. For instance, the Leblanc soda industry established in the context of the Revolution, was one of the most notorious pollution-producing industries, because in its early days it allowed itself to escape “muriatic acid gases” (HCl), destroying property, comfort, and health of the local inhabitants and deteriorating their 'quality of life'. James Muspratt, who became the founder of the soda industry in Lancashire in 1823, was confronted with the problems of atmospheric pollution by HCl and the antipollution movements of the inhabitants around his works in Liverpool, St. Helens, and Newton, as his forerunners and his followers were. None of them took any means to prevent the gases from escaping into the atmosphere, while the French inventor of the soda process tried to do so by building a large ceramic container and a large lead chamber from the beginning of his operations. It was owing to considerable burdens of the prevention costs that they did not do so.
The object of the present author is to elucidate what process the entrepreneur Muspratt applied to soda making, how he and his sons managed their chemical firm, what damages he did to his neighbours, how much he compensated for the damages, what means he took to prevent them, and whether they were effective for the purpose or not.
In sum, the Muspratts were forced to close their works, remove them, and pay the compensations, and to adopt various means of abating the HCl nuisances. Thus they changed their business policy from externalisation of 'social losses' and the prevention costs in their early days of operations through mere internalisation of them to higher internalisation of them in the mid-nineteenth century. It seems that they tried to improve the inhabitants' 'quality of life' through pollution abatement and so perform 'social responsivity of private enterprise for local community' as possible as they could.
They, however, had to deal still with the problems of soil, water, and air pollution by “alkali waste” which became nationally serious in the 1870s.

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