This paper examines the characteristics of Ari women artisans who make pottery in Southwestern Ethiopia, focusing on how they use local materials to make pots and how they ensure their livelihood by communicating with users who discriminate against artisans who produce pots.

Analyzing the production by four potters in both the rainy and dry seasons, I found that their pots always sold out in the local market, even when the number produced varied because of the weather conditions. In interviews with users and makers, aimed at evaluating pottery making, users rated durable pots positively. They reported that some pots do not last long, even those recommended by their friends. Users tend to form a special relationship, known as jaala, with potters who make durable pots especially for specific users. Potters tend to develop and change their unique pottery-making styles by altering their hand and finger movement patterns, in order to produce durable pots that satisfy their customers.

These findings show that Ari pottery making not only has a technological element but also involves cultural and social processes, and that these factors determine how Ari potters select the raw materials to make durable pots that will satisfy their clients. I regard their hand and finger movement patterns as useful units to analyze each potter’s learning patterns and process of creating new techniques and to compare with potter’s technological variations among the several ethnic groups of Southwestern Ethiopia.

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本稿は，南部諸民族州カファ地方に生活するマンジョの事例から，これまで沈黙を余儀なくされてきた被差別マイノリティが，さまざまな社会・経済・政治的影響を受ける中で，新たに宗教という枠組みを通して従来の自己像を否定し，あるいは刷新するために積極的に自己表象をおこないつつある現状を記述・分析するものである。
マンジョは，かつて狩猟を主な生業としていたが，現在では農業を中心とした生活を送っている。正教の影響を強く受けたカファ地方において，現政権以降，プロテスタント諸派に改宗するマンジョが増加しており，これらのマンジョは自らの生活の変化をプロテスタント諸派への改宗に言及しながら説明する。マンジョの生活の変化は，マンジョが置かれた社会・経済・政治的状況をはじめとした複合的な状況のもとで起きたものであり，プロテスタント諸派への改宗もそうした諸変化のうちのひとつである。本稿では，プロテスタント諸派への改宗がマンジョのなかでどのように進んでいるのか，マンジョがどのような変化を経験しているのか，それに伴いどのように新たな自己像を形成し表象しようとしているのかを報告するとともに，被差別マイノリティによる，マジョリティとの関係性改善のための自発的実践の可能性について考察する。

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This paper analyzes the relationship between Kaizen practices and industrial policy in developing countries, with special attention to the Ethiopian experience. While there are many studies and practical guides of Kaizen implementation and related Japanese development cooperation, they mostly discuss Kaizen standalone rather than from a perspective of the government's industrial policy.

The experience of Ethiopia is unique and notable for two reasons. First, there exists firm commitment by top national leaders to link Kaizen to the government's industrial policy. The current five-year plan places strong emphasis on Kaizen, with a vision of becoming a light-manufacturing hub in Africa through enhanced quality, productivity and competitiveness. Starting with a pilot project about ten years ago (supported by the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA)), now Kaizen is widely spread and practiced not only at factory floors but also at public organizations, being elevated to “national movements.”Furthermore, national leaders regard Kaizen as philosophy and expect its role in transforming the citizen's mindset and stimulating the private sector's dynamism, conducive to the era of industrialization. The core organization responsible for Kaizen dissemination enjoys political support in both staffing and budget.

Second, Japan has been extending industrial development cooperation to Ethiopia since 2009 by closely linking JICA's Kaizen assistance with bilateral industrial policy dialogue with key policymakers (Japan-Ethiopia Industrial Policy Dialogue). This two-tiered development cooperation has been implemented in an interactive way, producing synergies at the level of policy measures and concrete actions. At the same time, as the implementation of Kaizen progresses, it has become clear that stand-alone approach is not enough for Ethiopian manufacturers to successfully penetrate into the global market. There is a need to develop a full-fledged enterprise support system by strengthening linkages between Kaizen and other instruments. This also highlights the importance of continuous and enhanced policy engagement by Japanese industrial development cooperation.

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Over the past few decades, a considerable number of studies have been made on the people living around the Omo river in Southwest Ethiopia. However the study of the Banna ethnic group, which lives in the woodland area of the east bank of the Omo, has not been attempted since Ad. Jensen conducted his 40 day research in the 1950s.
In this article, I consider some aspects of the relations between the Banna and the Ari through analysis of the oral histories of the bitas, the chiefs of the Banna.
The Banna has two chief-lineages, each of which has its own territory: the West, which is divided into three sub-chief (kogo-bita) territories, and the East, divided into five.
According to the histories, two Banna chief-lineages seemed to have origins from those of the Ari, a northern neighbouring ethnic group, and both belong to the Gata clan. Banna society is organized into “moieties”, called Binnas and Galabu, and each moiety consists of several clans. On the one hand, the Gata is a representative clan of Binnas from which chiefs come and is one of Banna's largest clans. On the other hand, the Gasi, another large clan, is thought to be at the core of the Galabu moiety. As a result, the Binnas moiety is recognized as the chiefs' moiety, and the Galabu moiety can be thought of as a descendant of proto-Banna or people originating from various sources.
When analysing lineage histories that say the bitas immigrated from the Ani to the Banna, we should not ignore details which emphasizes many traits of Ari origin. For example, the founder of the chiefs' lineages, interestingly named Wuloa both in the West and East, brought coffee, iron goods, and pots. All of these items are regarded by Banna people as being Ari technologies. Wuloa of East Banna demanded sheep, not goat, as a sacrifice animal when performing rituals. For the Banna people, sacrificing sheep is an Ari style ritual, contrary to their use of goats.
This coincides with the interesting point that people of the Galabu moiety say that the Binnas is of Ari descent, and that only Galabu are pure Banna.
In conclusion, I should point out (1) we can understand chiefs' histories as identity-shift stories from Ari to Banna, (2) we can understand the Binnas-Galabu “dualism” as a structure between the chief-related clan group and non-related clan group, and (3) we can find a kind of indigenous typology in their narratives classifying some attributes to the Banna, and others to the Ari.

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, ケニア, スーダンの三国国境付近は, 長年にわたって牧畜民間の紛争が発生してきた。近年になって, ケニア両国政府や非政府組織などが, 紛争への介入を本格的に実施するようになってきている。本論では2006年に政府と非政府組織によって開催されたふたつの平和会合に焦点を当てて, 外部アクターによる介入がこの地域の平和構築に向けてもつ可能性と問題点を探る。本論で論じたことは以下の3点である。(1) 政府などによる平和会合の形式的な特徴の分析をおこない, 介入者は国家の包摂イデオロギーに基づいて介入をおこなうと同時に, 在来の平和会合の諸形式を改変しながら流用することで, 地域の人びとが容易に適応できる議論の場を作り出していることを明らかにした。(2) 会合でなされた紛争当事者間の議論の事例から, この場が既存の対立関係を悪化させる危険性とそれを発展的に解決する可能性を有した場であることを指摘した。(3) 会合の合間や終了後にみられた異なる民族に属する成員間の相互行為の事例から, 会合が民族境界を越えた友好的な相互往来を活性化する契機となっていることを示した。

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The writer has engaged in hydrogeological survey and technical services for ETHI-OPIA A. I. D. BANK Undeground Water Resources Development Project.
This project was started on Novemder 1974, ultilizing six Japanese drilling rigs (four percussion type and two rotary type) for the purpose of solving the drought problem.
Based on the data odtained from this project the writer classifies the ground water types into five classes, and are listed as follows:
1. Abyssinia plateau type
2. Rift valley type
3. Dire Dawa fan type
4. Ogaden desert type
5. Awash valley type
The discharge rate is expected 100-300 1/min. with drawdown 10-40m, except the Ogaden desert in which the successful drilling depth are from 50m upto 120m.
Most of the water in the survey area has a conductivity around 500ppm with hith hardness. In the Ogaden area, water from the wells shows high chlorine contents of 2000ppm and up.
The water of some wells in the Rift valley, contains as high as 6ppm Fluorine.
In the Awash valley the water of the wells shows high water temperature of above 30°C.
As for the drilling method, rotary drilling method, with the exception of few wells by air rotary drilling method, was used in the Abyssinia platau. Cable tool method was used in the Rift valley area. Either cable tool or rotary method was used in the other areas.

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の現政権は、全ての「民族」の自決権を認めている。1997年以降、南西部に生活する一部のマンジョを中心に、マンジョの社会的地位を改善し、民族自決権を認めるように要求する請願活動が実施されてきた。だが、2008年、政府はマンジョは「民族」ではないと決議した。本発表では、マンジョが政府に提出した請願書と政府決議の内容を提示し、における被差別マイノリティの社会的・政治的地位を検討する。

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In many parts of Africa, crop-raiding by wild animals has given rise to a significant conflict between local communities and wildlife conservation activists. The objective of this paper is to describe some of the defensive strategies adopted by the locals against the “damage” caused by wild animals from the perspective of historical interactions between local people and wildlife. This is achieved by analyzing the case of Mago National Park in southwestern Ethiopia. Further, the study examines the transition of these strategies after the implementation of the wildlife conservation policy. The results indicate that rodents, primates, and ungulates are the most serious causes of damage to agricultural crops, and that some carnivores create problems for livestock in K village, adjoining the National Park. The following aspects were observed: two types of coping strategies implemented by the farmers; direct measures followed by each household to ward off wild animals, such as guarding the fields, chasing away any wild animals spotted in the fields, and snaring; and indirect measures, such as rituals, that were performed within the community. While these coping strategies helped to reduce the damage, they also increased the tolerance level of the damage. Prior to the establishment of the Park, the Ari people had developed different forms of coping strategies by establishing a direct and concrete relationship with the wild animals. However, when the government intensified the regulation, the Ari people began to request damage compensation from wildlife personnel and local government officials who have the authority to manage the Park.

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