ギリシャにおけるワイン釀造は, ブドウとワインの神“ディオニソス (バッカス)”に守られて, 有史以前から現代にかけて営々と続いている。しかしながら, その現状については今までほとんど日本に紹介されていないだけに, 本稿はきわめて貴重な資料といえよう。

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Osmanli Imparatorlugu'nda nufus bakimindan Muslumanlardan sonra ikinci sirayi alan Rumlar, ozerklik icinde yasayarak devlete sadakatle hizmet ediyorlardi. Bu durum 1821'de Mora'da ortaya cikan ve 1829'a kadar suren Rum Ihtilaliyle degisti. 1830'da Yunan Devleti(1833'ten sonra Kralligi)'nin bagimsizligi, Buyuk Gucler tarafindan kabul edildi. 1832'de Yunanistan'in sinirlari tespit edildi. O zamanki Osmanli Imparatorlugu'nda yasayan Rumlarin nufusu, bagimsizlik elde eden Yunanistan'daki Rum nufusundan yaklasik uc kat fazlaydi. Osmanli Imparatorlugu ile Yunanistan Kralligi arasindaki halkin hareketleri hakkinda simdiye kadar yapilan arastirmalarin tartismasi, ozetle "goclerin hangi taraftan hangi tarafa goclerin daha fazla oldugu" merkezinde idi. Fakat, bu arastirmalarda gocmenlerin niceligi belirtilmiyordu. Ayrica, "gocmek" ile "gurbete gitmek" kavramlarinin farkliligi belirtilmeyip, bolge ve tarih sinirlamasi da olmadigindan, halkin hareketlerinin durumu acikca anlasilamamaktadir. Zaten, halkin 1821'den sonraki hareketlerinin tam bir istatistiki durumunu cikarmak mumkun gorunmuyor. Buna ragmen hususi bir bolge ve donemin incelenmesi, gelecek arastirmalar icin faydali olacaktir. Bundan dolayi bu makale Yunanistan'in kurulusundan, yani 1830'dan Islahat Fermani'nin ilan edildigi 1856'ya kadarki surede, -ozellikle 1832'den sonra bir sinir bolgesi olan-Tesalya Bolgesi'ndeki halkin hareketlerini incelemektedir. Osmanli-Yunanistan arasindaki sinir bolgesinde, sadece Osmanli Rumlari ve Yunanistan Rumlari degil, Muslumanlar ve diger gruplar(Ulah, Arnavut) da bu hareketlere katilarak hududu gecmekte idiler. Sinir bolgesinde yasayanlar, 1830'dan onceki hareketlerine buyuk oranda devam etmektelerdi. Tesalya Bolgesindeki bu karsilikli gidip gelmeler, ticaret, hizmetkarlik, ciftliklerde calismak ve akrabalar ile gorusmek gibi sebeplerden kaynaklanmaktaydi. Hatta bazi Yunanli askerler ile suclularin Osmanli topragina, bazi Osmanli askerler ve suclularin da Yunanistan'a firar ettikleri bilinmektedir. Osmanli topragina firar eden Yunanlilar, bolgedeki Osmanli memurlari tarafindan sorusturulduktan sonra, sinirdan uzak olan ve Rumeli ordusunun bulundugu Manastir'da iskan edildiler. Yunanistan'a firar ettikten bir sure sonra geri donen Osmanli askerleri ise, Anadolu veya Arabistan'daki ordulara gonderildiler veyahut Ergiri'deki komur madenlerinde calistirildilar. Aslinda Osmanli tebaasindan olan, fakat Rum Ihtilali donemlerinde veya ondan sonraki donemlerde Yunanistan'a firar edip, bir sure sonra Tesalya ve Epir Bolgelerine donen ve tekrar Osmanli tabiiyetini kabul eden en az 1000 kisi oldugu bilinmektedir. Onlarin disinda, donmek isteyenlerin sayisi yaklasik 8500 hane ve 43 kisi idi. Ama belgelerde bu iki durum hakkinda fazla bilgi yoktur. Bundan dolayi, bu kisilerin ne zaman ve neden firar ettikleri ve geri donmelerindeki sebepler tam olarak belli degildir. Donenlere Osmanli Devleti iki veya uc senelik cizye muafiyeti verdi ve diger vergilerini de hafifletti. Ama geri donenlerin kefil bulmasi zorunluydu. Bunlarin geri donusu cogunlukla 1841'den sonra olmustur. Ozellikle 1848'de geri donus artmistir. Donus sebeplerinin, Yunanistan'daki kotu durum(isyan, haydut hareketleri, ve dogal afetler vb), Tesalya ve Epir Bolgelerinin sinir bolgesi olmalarindan dolayi Osmanli hukumetinin buralari daha hassas bir sekilde idare etmesi ve Gulhane Hatt-i Humayununa ve islahatlara baglanan umitler oldugu tahmin edilmektedir. Yunan tabiiyetinde olanlar Osmanli topraginda esnaf olabiliyorlarsa da kethudalik ve Osmanli tebaasindan birinin mirascisi olamazlardi. Bundan dolayi, geri donenler tekrar Osmanli tabiiyetini kabul etmistir.

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Il commercio veneziano e sostenuto non soltanto da galee, ma anche da navi rotonde. Nei secoli 14゜ e 15゜, i due tipi, cioe la galea da mercato e la coccha erano particolarmente attivi. L'articolo presente e limitato a questo periodo. Possiamo trarre un'immagine quanto alla composizione della flotta veneziana dal racconto famosissimo del doge T.Mocenigo : ca.20 galee da mercato con una portata totale di ca. 7000t ; almeno 30-35 grandi navi rotonde (cocche) con 15,000t ; ca. 270 medie navi rotonde con 50,000t ; 3,000 piccole navi con 150,000t! Qui si osserva una portata assolutamente piu grande per le navi rotonde, specialmente di grandezze media e piccola. E da questa composizione si comprende anche il carattere della flotta veneziana. Secondo lo studio di F.Melis, i noli avevano finito con il corrispondere al valore del bene, allargando il volume di trasporto delle merci povere. Questa tendenza si sviluppava fin dall'ultimo quarto del Trecento. Dunque, le merci che porta la flotta veneziana si possono dividere in tre gruppi. Nel primo sono compresi seta, metalli preziosi, spezierie sottili ecc.. Nel secondo, cotone, zucchero, allume-spezierie grosse. Nel terzo, cereali, sale, vino-non spezierie. Generalmente si puo dire che il primo gruppo e adatto ad essere trasportato dalle galee da mercato, il secondo dalle grandi navi rotonde, e il terzo dalle navi medie e piccole. Si possono anche distinguere tra categorie quanto al modo della navigazione veneziana. Il primo e la "muda" delle galee da mercato, che deve navigare in gruppo sotto la direzione minuziosa dello Stato. Il secondo e la "muda dei cotoni" delle grandi navi rotonde, che, non dovendo navigare in gruppo, deve caricare le merci prescritte durante il periodo prescritto dallo Stato per recarle regolarmente al mercato veneziano. Il terzo e la navigazione libera, che comprende la portata piu grande. E si puo pensare che, fino a certo punto, i tre modi di navigazione corrispondono ai tre gruppi di merci. Comunque le mude creavano il ritmo di Rialto. C'erano due "tempi di fiera", cioe in inverno e in estate. Ma nello stesso tempo, Rialto funzionava sempre tutto l'anno come mercato attivissimo, ricevendo le innumerevoli navi della navigazione libera.

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Import trade of cotton fabrics from the Ottoman Empire was one of the most original and the most important branches of French Levant trade in the eighteenth century. Original, because the other European countries such as England, Holland and Venice scarcely imported this article, and France herself imported mainly raw materials, foodstuffs and drugs. Cotton fabrics were almost the only manufactured goods that came from the Middle-East to Europe. Important, because this article occupied one-fifteenth to one-tenth of the Levant cargoes brought to Marseilles. Concentrated in Aleppo and secondarily in Egypt, cotton fabrics trading developed considerably and became one of the bases of the growth of French Levant trade. This development was owing to a growing demand for piece goods used for cotton printing in European countries. The vogue of "painted calicoes" had been provoked by import of Indian chintz, and English, Dutch and French East India Companies developed their trade of Indian cotton fabrics, which played a leading part in the rise of European cotton printing industry. However, this new industry had another origin in the Mediterranean regions where technics as well as merchandise were transported from east to west. Marseilles had introduced cotton printing as early as the first half of the seventeenth century by the help of Armenian technicians, and Levant piece goods were used there in large quantities for printing during the following century. In spite of the prohibition of printed and painted calicoes the government of Louis XIV had proclaimed in 1686 in order to protect old industries, Marseilles could develop printing industry thanks to her free port. Printed goods of Marseilles were exported not only to Spain, Italy and Balearic Islands, but also to African coasts for slave trade, as well as to French colonies in America. When the prohibition was abolished in 1759, her products pushed into the French market, especially to the southern provinces of Provence and Languedoc. The growth of Levant piece goods trading was nothing but an aspect of the general movement in eighteenth-century European economy where cotton industry was going to predominate in the formation of modern capitalism. Thus import of raw cotton from the Levant also increased strikingly, more quickly than that of piece goods. Raw cotton, cotton yarn and cotton fabrics occupied more than half of the Levant cargoes at the port of Marseilles on the eve of the French Revolution. After Indian pepper of the Middle Ages and of the sixteenth century, after Persian silk of the seventeenth, it was Levant cotton, raw or manufactured, that created the dynamics of Mediterranean trade in an age preceding directly the Industrial Revolution.

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Although we have many studies on the Florentine woolen industry, there still remain questions about its substance. Trying to approach to its substance, we investigated the outline of the conditions of the existence of the Florentine woolen industry in the time of its prosperity. Various studies were made on the inner system of the "Arte della Lana", and recently we have some precious studies on the managements of some enterprises of this gild. But, in order to approach to its substance, it is also necessary to investigate the outside system, of this industry. We know that most of its capital was furnished by merchants (including land owners turned from merchants), part of whom devoted themselves to the import and export of woolen materials and products. They, hired technicians of woolen production and left the producting process to their hands. It could to be said that this industry was under the direction of the Florentine merchant capital. The period of prosperity of this industry was the first half of the 14th century when Oriental world had been governed by "Pax tatarica" which stimulated trade between Europe and Orient. Woolen product was one of the most important merchandises which Europe could export. And from earlier time, Florentine merchants (of "Arte di Calimala") had traded "panni franceschi" to export it to the Oriental market utilizing the ships of the sea-powers. At the beginning of the 14th century, while many difficulties occurred in the trade of these "panni franceschi" (severe troubles in its producting centers in Frandre, and the closing of the Fair of Champagne, Florentine merchants were able to import English wool which they used to obtain in compensation for their loan to the King, ctc.. And here came the prosperity of the Florentine woolen industry. The fall of the markets in materials and products in the succeeding period caused its decline. The conditions for the existence of this industry were the international markets in its materials and products and the capacity of the Florentine merchant capital which could utilize this international situation.

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