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  • 齋藤 久美子
    オリエント
    2005年 48 巻 2 号 47-65
    発行日: 2005年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    This paper analyzes the establishment by the Ottoman Empire of the Yurtluk ve Ocaklik and the hükûmet in eastern Anatolia and their historical development.
    After the Ottoman Empire took the eastern Anatolia under its control in the 16th century, it examined the situation of the land tenure and the distribution among the power of Kurdish amirs (chieftain) who had governed the area. This was aimed at merging eastern Anatolia into its local administration system. Thereafter amirs received sancaks (subdivision of a province) as a yurtluk ve ocaklik (hereditary holding) which authorized them to keep inherited privileges. The Ottoman Empire called the sancaks of powerful amirs eyalets (semi-autonomous sancak), but the distinction remained vague. At the end of 16th century when the word hükûmet started to be commonly used instead of eyalet, the sancaks of powerful amirs were designated hükûmets accordingly. The establishment of the hükûmet played a decisive role in differentiating the more and less powerful amirs by naming them separately.
    Hükûmet means the exemption from the land survey and the timar (fief) system, and where all the tax income belonged to the amir. The definition of hükûmet changed over time. In some hükûmets the privileges of amirs were gradually undermined. On the other hand, the amirs who ruled hükûmets remained powerful, obtaining the title of han (khan) instead of bey at the end of 17th century.
    The establishment of hükûmet exemplified the real nature of the Ottoman governing system. The Ottoman Empire introduced the Ottoman governing system, which embraced traditional political and social order into eastern Anatolia. In other words, the establishment of the yurtluk ve ocaklzk and the hükûmet represents one aspect of the reconstitution of traditional order by the Ottoman Empire.
  • 16-17世紀のバルカン半島におけるミュセッレム集団の存続と変容
    岩本 佳子
    オリエント
    2017年 59 巻 2 号 200-211
    発行日: 2017/03/31
    公開日: 2020/04/01
    ジャーナル フリー

    This paper explores the relationship between the Ottoman Empire and its tax-exempt auxiliary units. Throughout the 16th century, both in wartime and peacetime, these auxiliary units received tax exemptions. Their members were employed as warriors and cannon carriers, as well as laborers in dockyards, mines and so on. One type of these units, called müsellems, received fiefs, and members who gave service were supported by the others, called yamaks.

      In Western Anatolia, the müsellem system was abolished in 1582 because of a shortage of lands and tax assignments to allocate. However, investigations into the müsellems in the Balkans have been few. Because of this, it has not been clarified when müsellems were abolished in the Balkans, some claiming around the end of the 16th century and others, around the beginning of the 17th century.

      In this paper I examine the müsellem groups and the system that existed in the Balkans in the 16th and 17th centuries, making full use of tax registers, especially the tax registers held in the Archive of the General Directorate of Land Registry and Cadaster, situated in Ankara.

      I conclude that the müsellems, who had the tax exempt privilege were not abolished in the Balkans until 1602, unlike the müsellems in Western Anatolia. However, by the 1630s–1650s, the müsellems in the Balkans became normal taxpayers, that is, they became tax-farming units, so-called muḳāṭaʻas.

      I believe the reason is that in the 17th century when the Ottoman military and social system changed greatly, the Ottoman auxiliary units lost their importance to the Ottoman army, at which point the müsellems in the Balkans became normal taxpayers.

  • 若松 大樹
    文化人類学
    2011年 76 巻 2 号 146-170
    発行日: 2011/09/30
    公開日: 2017/04/17
    ジャーナル フリー
    本稿では、トルコ共和国のアレヴィーと呼ばれる集団の社会変化に関する一考察として、これまでの先行研究においてアレヴィー社会の「スンニー化」と呼ばれてきた現象に関して、批判的検討を行う。本稿では、西部アナトリア・キュタフヤ県のアレヴィー村落におけるデデ権威と、それに関連する
    オジャク
    と呼ばれる帰属概念を事例として取り上げる。オスマン朝時代、スンナ派イスラームが国教とされ、この教義とは異なるイスラーム的伝統を持つアレヴィーの人々は、中央政府から「異端派」としてレッテルをはられるだけでなく、ムスリムとすらみなされず、宗教実践や教義を理由にしばしば迫害を受けてきた。ところが、世俗主義と政教分離を国是として1923年に成立したトルコ共和国においては、人々はいかなる宗教によっても差別されないとの憲法上の規定があるため、アレヴィーの人々はトルコ共和国の国是を肯定し、多数派であるスンナ派の人々からの差別をある程度免れてきた。しかしながら、1990年代以降、スンナ派中心のイスラーム主義運動の高揚に伴い、この国是が揺らぎ始め、さらに農村部から都市部への移民の増加によって、アレヴィーとスンナ派の人々の直接的な接点が増え始めた状況において、アレヴィーの人々は再びスンナ派の人々から侮蔑的な偏見を被ることとなり、アレヴィーの人々の多くは、自分たちのアイデンティティをムスリムとして再定義し、多数派であるスンナ派の人々に対して、アレヴィー・ムスリムとしてのアイデンティティを主張する必要に迫られてきた。このような主張の中には、アレヴィーの人々がトルコ的イスラームの真髄を体現するものであり、スンナ派よりもむしろイスラームの本来の教えを実践しているという主張さえある。こうした現象は、これまでの先行研究においてアレヴィー集団の「スンニー化」としてとらえられてきた。しかしながらこうした見方は、アレヴィーの人々の主張を正確に反映しているとは言い切れない。本稿では、第1にアレヴィーの「スンニー化」をめぐる先行研究が、儀礼実践の変化という側面にのみ注目してスンニー化と述べていることを明らかにする(第II章)。第2に、西部アナトリア・キュタフヤ県のアレヴィー集落を事例として取り上げ、そこでの聞き取り調査や儀礼観察の結果、彼/彼女らが自らをアレヴィーとして自己規定する根拠として、
    オジャク
    という帰属概念が重要な役割を果たしていることを明らかにする(第III章)。第3に、デデと呼ばれる宗教権威や人々が「固有のアレヴィー性」を主張する際に影響を与えているのが、スンナ派系のイスラーム主義運動やアレヴィー系知識人の作り出した言説にあることを示し(第IV章)、これまで研究者の側が無意識であれ、そうした言説に左右されている可能性があることを指摘して、これまでの先行研究において「スンニー化」として記述されてきた現象が、実は儀礼実践の変化など、可視的な変化のみに着目して安易に論じていることを解明する。したがってこうした分析軸は、フィールドに暮らす人々の自己規定を必ずしも反映するものではなく、「スンニー化」の語を、とりわけ本稿で扱うアレヴィー社会の社会変化に適応することは不適切である。人類学者が社会変化を扱う場合は、社会変化の可視的な部分だけでなく、人々の自己規定など、複数の要素から深く検討して記述する必要があることを、本稿で提起する。
  • 須江 洋成, 岩崎 弘, 小高 文聰, 岡部 究, 中山 和彦
    てんかん研究
    2017年 34 巻 3 号 603-609
    発行日: 2017/01/31
    公開日: 2017/02/01
    ジャーナル 認証あり

    てんかんに関連して幻覚妄想等の精神症状を認めた3症例(発作後精神病、交代性精神病、慢性てんかん精神病)について、ネ

    オジャク
    ソニズム(Ey)をもとに解釈をこころみた。てんかん発症と精神症状の発現の間には一般に10年以上の潜伏期間があるとされるが、これは発作によりくり返される一過性の解体が徐々に高次機能に微細な影響を与え、脆弱性にいたらしめる準備期間と解釈した。そして、この脆弱性を基盤としてより深い解体を生じると下位機能が解放されてダイナミズムが発せられると考えた。その後に意識することのゆがみ、病的反応として精神(陽性)症状が発現したと解釈される。

  • ババ・マンスール系のオジャク構造と関連付けて
    若松 大樹
    オリエント
    2009年 52 巻 1 号 84-104
    発行日: 2009/09/30
    公開日: 2014/03/31
    ジャーナル フリー
    In this article, I explain the current state of the practice of the veneration of saints among the Kurdish Alevi people through an analysis of the ocak of the saint Baba Mansur. In common Turkish use, the term ocak means ‘household’; however, for most Alevi people it refers to a ‘gathering of comrades’ who venerate common saint(s). At the same time, this term is often used to designate a group whose members are of the ‘holy lineage’ of the family of the Prophet.
     Previous studies concerning the veneration of saints among the Kurdish Alevis did not systematically demonstrate the relationship between the veneration and the concept of ocak and therefore did not attain a deep understanding of the current state of their religious practices and their concept of belonging to the Alevi.
     Hence, here, based on the data from my field research and literary materials gathered in Eastern Anatolia from January 2006 to March 2007, I analyze the current state of the practice of the veneration of the saint Baba Mansur among the Kurdish Alevis through a systematic analysis of their ocak. Briefly speaking, an ocak of the Kurdish Alevi people has two aspects. One is as a ritual group based on the relationship between master (Pir) and pupils (Talep), and the other is as a group of descendants of the family of the Prophet.
     Thus, I demonstrate here that the veneration of saints among the Kurdish Alevi people is based on the structure of the ocak. This structure is supported by ritual ceremonies such as the Cem or memorial services for the saint, traditions of miracles wrought by the saints, and the shrines of the saints, which pass on the holiness of the saint to generations of believers.
  • 齋藤 久美子
    日本中東学会年報
    2006年 22 巻 1 号 63-86
    発行日: 2006/08/08
    公開日: 2018/03/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    This paper examines how the Ottoman governing system was introduced and settled in eastern Anatolia from the perspective of the local administration system. After the Ottoman Empire held the eastern Anatolia under its control in the 16th century, two provinces, namely Diyarbakir and Van, were established in 1515 and 1548 in the region. The Ottoman Empire grasped the situation of Kurdish amirs (chieftain) who had governed the area and integrated the territories of amirs as sancak (subdivision of a province). However, the Ottoman Empire differentiated sancaks of amirs from other typical Ottoman sancaks. After the province of Van was established, sancaks of amirs were divided into several groups. The sancaks of powerful amirs were called hukumet whereby amirs were entitled for specific authority. Hence the Ottoman Empire distinguished sancaks of amirs by the level of authority. As a result, three types of sancaks emerged such as ordinary sancak, ocaklik sancak (hereditary holding sancak), and (ocaklik) hukumet. Ordinary sancaks and ocaklik sancaks were replaced or changed between them, although hukumets had no change throughout the 17th century. Vocabularies used in the archival sources clearly indicate the characteristics of the above-mentioned three types of sancaks. In the 16th century vilayet meant province, whereas eyalet was used in the 17th century instead. Sancaks of amirs were recorded as vilayet or eyalet in the 16th century, and these were replaced with liva, ocakhk liva, and (ocaklik) hukumet in the beginning of the 17th century. The local administration system did not clearly place the sancaks of amirs throughout the 16th century. The term such as vilayet or eyalet represented its uniqueness as unordinary sancaks, and they were no longer in use due to the establishment of hukumet in the 17th century. It should be noted that the establishment of hukumet is the most significant characteristics in the local administration system of eastern Anatolia. Since land survey was not conducted and timar system was not implemented, hukumet meant sancaks entitled with specific authority. The central government provided some of hukumet amirs with sancaks or provinces, same as their own hukumet, which was exceptional financial privilege compared with other sancak beyi (district governor) in the same era. However, most cases aimed to ensure the additional revenues for sancak beyi or beylerbeyi (provincial governor), since most of hukumet amirs served concurrently as sancak beyi, and usually they were released in a short period. The Ottoman Empire gave specific privilege to amir, however, the Sultans still kept appointive power to sancak beyi and the appointment required approval by beylerbeyi. In practice the request by other people aside from beylerbeyi was also widely accepted. The Grand Vizier, commander of military campaign positioned above beylerbeyi at the central level, and other amirs or tribes lead by amirs were able to confirm the requests. The Ottoman Empire gradually integrated amirs into its governing system. For instance, the central government made certain economic requisites in appointing sancak beyi, or deprived the inherited privileges when the conflict over the position of amir occurred. Unlike ordinary sancaks of the Ottoman Empire, the amirs in eastern Anatolia inherited the post of sancak beyi within family. The situation could easily allow the internal conflict over the post of sancak beyi, since the sequence of inheritance was not unanimously defined. The amirs requested the central government to mediate and intervene for conflict resolution, and accepted the economic requisites proposed by the central government, which in turn provided an excuse for its intervention to the central government. The administrative and financial systems introduced in the 16th century gradually stabilized the Ottoman governing system in eastern Anatolia through the 17th century.
  • イスタンブルに住むアレヴィーの若者たちの信仰実践
    今城 尚彦
    文化人類学
    2022年 87 巻 1 号 026-043
    発行日: 2022/06/30
    公開日: 2022/12/08
    ジャーナル フリー

    本稿の目的は、ムスリムの少数派アレヴィーの人々の事例から、世俗主義を国是とするトルコ共和国において少数派として生きることの葛藤を明らかにすることである。西洋近代において、世俗主義は宗教的制約に左右されない民主的な討議を可能にするものとして捉えられてきた。しかし人類学において世俗主義批判と称されるアプローチでは、世俗主義によって言論の自由を保障されるためには「宗教」の範囲を規定する世俗主義の文法に従わねばならないというジレンマが指摘されている。このジレンマは、トルコにおいて多数派のスンナ派ムスリムから差別されてきたアレヴィーにとって特に深刻なものである。1990年代に生じた宗教復興的な運動の結果、彼らへの差別は比較的改善したとされるが、その後のアイデンティティ・ポリティクスが世俗主義の枠組みの内部で展開せざるを得なかったために、アレヴィーの儀礼実践が生活に占める領域も縮小したことが指摘されている。このことはフィールドにおいて「共同性の喪失」とも呼びうる葛藤を生み出しているが、他方でそれを世俗主義の権力に還元してしまうと、人々が共同性の喪失をいかに乗り越えようとしているのかを考えることができない。そこで本稿は、イスタンブルにおけるアレヴィーの集会所に集まる若者たちの事例から、彼らが都市においていかなる共同性を模索しているのかを明らかにする。

  • 信仰と出自をめぐる葛藤の事例分析
    今城 尚彦
    日本中東学会年報
    2020年 36 巻 2 号 85-103
    発行日: 2021/03/15
    公開日: 2022/03/31
    ジャーナル フリー
    The Alevis, a Muslim minority group in Turkey, have been marginalized as “non-believers” and “atheists” by the Sunni majority. Following a long period of political turmoil that involved discrimination and massacres, Alevilik were considered taboo in Turkish society. However, the 1990s brought about a turning point: more people publicly identified as Alevis and thus became more visible in the Turkish public sphere. The cemevis, or centers for their religious activities, increased at this time and today continue to provide services to those seeking an Alevi way of life. This process of increased visibility, called the “Alevi revival,” received a great deal of scholarly attention. However, some of the younger generation born after the beginning of the “Alevi revival” see such rituals as anachronistic and are hesitant to identify themselves as Alevis. Some studies have shown the reformulation of Alevilik as a “faith” through the process of cemevis becoming the counterpart of mosques. Others have emphasized the importance of self-identifying as being of Alevi lineage. Since such studies have focused on the foregrounded Aleviness, it is still unclear how the younger generation has come to terms with their Alevi origins. This study aims to shed light on the struggles of the younger generation by focusing on the ambiguity of the term Alevilik. It concludes that the “Alevi revival,” which supposedly enabled more people to identify as Alevis, also generated new forms of silence by emphasizing the religious aspects of Alevilik.
  • 金井 眞澄
    地質学雑誌
    1920年 27 巻 320 号 230-234
    発行日: 1920/05/20
    公開日: 2008/04/11
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 対ヴェネツィア関係の中で
    末森 晴賀
    日本中東学会年報
    2022年 38 巻 1 号 95-123
    発行日: 2022/08/31
    公開日: 2023/09/10
    ジャーナル フリー
    From the late seventeenth century to the early eighteenth century, disordering caused by “pirates” still continued aroung the Agean and Adriatic sea areas, where were battle fields in wars between the Ottoman empire and Venice just before the treaty of Karlowitz in 1699. In this situation, the Ottomans and the Venetians were trying to take anti-Ottoman “piracy” measures based on ahdnâmes. Maritime regime against “piracy” have been established during the sixteenth century and followed with slight elaborating some articles until the last ahdnâme given in the first half of the eighteenth century. The formation process of maritime regime on ahdnâmes are well known, however, its applications and practices have not received much attention. In this paper, we examined anti-“piracy” practices during that period with analyzing the Ottoman imperial orders registered in Düvel-i Ecnebiye Defteri 16/4, which shows continuing to following the “traditional” maritime regime on ahdnâmes since for the sixteenth century in practice, while the relationship between the Ottoman empire and Venice was beginning to adopt the European legal system in part.
  • ー国際シェリング学会に参加して
    寄川 条路
    シェリング年報
    1996年 4 巻 123-
    発行日: 1996年
    公開日: 2022/12/15
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 地域社会、都市的空間、トランスカルチュラル空間
    佐島 隆
    宗教研究
    2020年 94 巻 2 号 137-164
    発行日: 2020年
    公開日: 2020/12/30
    ジャーナル フリー

    本稿の目的は、アレヴィーという人々がトルコ国内の地域社会から都市部へもしくはトルコからドイツへと越境することによって生じるアレヴィーリキ(アレヴィーなるもの、アレヴィー主義)の変化について明らかにし、多文化社会や異なる価値体系の共存する社会の中で変化、調整、適合をしているアレヴィーリキを通して「越境と宗教」について考察することである。

    一九九六―二〇一八年までの臨地調査による観察や資料収集から得たデータを中心にして、トルコのアレヴィーやドイツのアレヴィーのトルコ系移民の動向やアレヴィーリキの変化を明らかにしたい。

    アレヴィーリキは宗教とも文化とも考えられ、明確ではない。伝統的と考えられるアレヴィーリキが、イスラームやキリスト教の卓越する「多文化」社会(トランスカルチュラルな空間)、都市的社会、世俗主義社会などの社会的政治的環境のなかで、調整、適合、変化させ、持続、存続する様態を明らかにする。

  • 東アナトリアにおける「ティマール制」の施行
    三沢 伸生
    オリエント
    1994年 37 巻 2 号 127-141
    発行日: 1994年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    There are two main themes about land problems of the Ottoman Empire. From the 19th century to 1940's timar system was most popular subject of study in the frame of Islamic feudalism. But now many scholars are interested in iltizam system and çiftlik.
    For all that, there are still unsolved problems about timar system in the scope of the political formation of the Ottoman Empire. This system was not fixed but flexible with regional and periodical variations owing to the political needs.
    In the 16th century, the Ottoman Empire grew up an Islamic Empire with its vast territory. In the newly conquered lands, a special land system was putted in force. For example, the mâlikâne-dîvânî system, which is a special timar system, was carried out in Eastern Anatolia. By the analysis of two cadastres about Malatya region, BA 387 (1519/20) and TK 142 (1560), the number of villages where the mâlikâne-dîvânî system in charge (table 1) and the proportion of mâlikâne revenue to the total tax revenue (table 2) suggest that mâlikâne-dîvânî system was step by step changed to the normal timar system during 40 years of the reign of Süleyman I.
  • 齋藤 久美子
    史学雑誌
    2007年 116 巻 5 号 902-906
    発行日: 2007/05/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 山田 幸正
    日本建築学会計画系論文集
    1997年 62 巻 502 号 219-224
    発行日: 1997/12/30
    公開日: 2017/02/02
    ジャーナル フリー
    This paper refers to the actual condition of religious donation system, called Waqf among 46 existent wakala-s in Cairo, based on some findings of a field survey in 1994/95. Under the State Control of Waqf, the wakala-s in Cairo have lost the proper values and functions in present economic activities. Reviewing the outline of enterprises for waqf since the Mamluk period, their purpose and character have been changing gradually. In the framework of the system of waqf, however, these projects which were with constructing wakala-s as the central figure, have remained to play an important role in rehabilitating the stagnant districts by equipping with urban facilities.
  • 増本 新, 池田 実
    農業土木学会誌
    1974年 42 巻 6 号 400-405
    発行日: 1974/06/01
    公開日: 2011/08/11
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 松本 奈穂子
    舞踊學
    2000年 2000 巻 23 号 31-40
    発行日: 2000年
    公開日: 2010/04/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 山本 直輝
    オリエント
    2016年 59 巻 1 号 27-39
    発行日: 2016/09/30
    公開日: 2019/10/01
    ジャーナル フリー

    İmâm Birgivî (d. 981/1573) is universally recognized to have inspired the seventeenth century Islamic reform movement called the Ḳadzadeli movement. Several studies have been conducted on this movement ; however, little is known about Birgivî's thoughts, especially his attitude towards Taṣawwuf (Sufism), and therefore, discussion on this particular topic is difficult. This paper aims to discuss Birgivî's concept of Taṣawwuf and its link to social ethics. Birgivî's Taṣawwuf firmly followed the Quran, Sunna and Shaī‘ra, and he strongly condemned the deviated Sufis who never respected these laws. In his magnum opus al-Ṭarīqa al-Muḥammadyah (The Path of Muḥammad), he emphasizes the importance of controlling outer Muslim practices and the inner heart, stating that the latter is of utmost importance for all Muslims, since the heart is where all deeds originate. Birgivî's Taṣawwuf focuses on these ethical aspects. To provide an elaborate discussion on Birgivî's perspective of Taṣawwuf, this paper focuses on his criticism not only against Sufis but also against the 'ulama' (jurists). Birgivî tackled the issue of asking money in return for reciting the Quran, which often caused a judicial problem between the people and 'ulama'. He denied its legitimacy not only from a strict Hanafi perspective but also from the perspective of Taṣawwuf stating that the corruption of the hearts of the 'ulama' was behind the issue. He believed that a "true" Sufi who deals with the science of ethics (ilm al-akhlāq) could fix this corruption. This study shows that Birgivî's discourse on Taṣawwuf is not limited to the discussion of the thoughts and practices of Sufis but it also covers judicial issues. Birgivî believed that a Sufi is someone who has mastered the science of ethics, and who attempts to solve various social issues related to the inner corruptions of Muslims.

  • バーバーの反乱をめぐって
    井谷 鋼造
    オリエント
    1987年 30 巻 1 号 1-20
    発行日: 1987/09/30
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    After the death of Sultan ‘Ala’ al-Din Kayqubad I, his eldest son Ghiyath al-Din Kaykhusraw ascended the throne against his father's will and his supporters became powerful in Rum Saltanat of Saljuq dynasty. Among them Sa'd al-Din Köpek seized the greatest power and killed the late sultan's Ayyubid wife 'Adiliya, Kamal al-Din Kamyar, parwana and atabeg of Kaykhusraw, putting such persons in prison as the two sons of 'Adiliya, Qaymari the Kurdish chief, and Qayïr Khan the leader of Khwarazmian soldiers. These political events mean that the influence of the late sultan Kayqubad was to be removed during the first two years of Kaykhusraw's reign and as a result Kaykhusraw's Saltanat lost its military power.
    Then in autumn of 1240 the revolt of Baba happened in the basin of Euphrates and soon reached to the central parts of Anatolia. Rum Saltanat's troops were defeated four times and unable to suppress the revolt, while they were successful in capture of its charismatic leader Baba Ishaq Khariji and put him to death in Amasiya. The final battle was fought in the desert of Maliya near Qïrshahr and the followers of Baba, most of them Turkman nomads, were annihilated together with thier families and livestock. After the painful victory over the revolt of Baba, Kaykhusraw's Saltanat became more active than before in its military phase against the Khwarazmians and the Ayyubid maliks in Diyar Bakr.
    From the historical point of view the revolt of Baba was not the prelude to the approaching Mongol invasion, but its disastrous end led to the establishment of Kaykhusraw's power in Rum Saltanat.
  • 鈴木 董
    年報政治学
    1989年 40 巻 187-209
    発行日: 1990/03/29
    公開日: 2009/12/21
    ジャーナル フリー
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