The United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC) is the first UN Peacekeeping Operation for Japanese Self-Defense Forces (JSDF) to have been dispatched abroad. This operation caused the expansion of the UN Peacekeeping quantitatively and qualitatively by achieving various large-scale activities, like helping to hold the constituent assembly election, the return of refugees, monitoring of human rights, and support for recovery and reconstruction. It is also described as one of the successful cases of“second-generation peacekeeping”.

Although such cases are often regarded as successful cases by the interveners, evaluations by the local community have been overlooked and also there is a lack of literature on the long-term impact of the activities of the JSDF to the local community. Given the perspective of the local community, we have to take into account the fact that large-scale troops built a basecamp and lived with them was a major social change.

In this paper, we reconsider the activities of the JSDF Engineer Battalion under the UNTAC from local people's perspectives and examine the impact of UNTAC on Cambodian society from a long-term perspective, including before and after the troops intervene. Focusing on the social interaction when the JSDF Engineer Battalion stayed, we clarify what changes have been taking place in local communities before JSDF coming, during their stay, and after their return to Japan. Through this historical/anthropological analysis, we reveal that two types of impact, which are a temporary and long-term effect of JSDF intervention to local society.

Firstly, we note the temporary impact on the community of the JSDF's establishment of a large-scale basecamp in rural areas, which created mutual exchanges with the local people and provided the opportunity for them to improve their lives. Secondly, the authors reveal that the handover the JSDF Engineer Battalion's basecamp to the Cambodian government caused land grab and that outsiders need to be aware of the unintended consequences caused by aid.

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This paper studies rural transformations in Cambodia under the developmental regime that started in the beginning of the twenty-first century. Many scholars have depicted Cambodian agrarian society by contrasting lowland and upland in terms of people and livelihoods. However, with the rapid and diverse changes since the introduction of the market economy more than 20 years ago, many lowland populations have moved upland in order to explore new livelihoods based on cash crop cultivation. The remaining lowland people who traditionally engaged in rice growing and fishery are also seeking new challenges under the unique economic circumstances that include economic migrants to urban areas and abroad. In order to update the conventional understanding of Cambodian rural society and people’s lives under these changes, this paper examines information and data collected through household surveys conducted in 2016–18 at sample villages in five agroecological zones of Pursat Province: inundated lowland, unirrigated lowland, irrigated lowland, lowland-upland complex, and upland. By comparing the livelihood activities in different zones, this paper explores the uniqueness of rural transformations in each location and people’s struggle for a better life. The analysis also points out that the following factors are crucial to understanding rural transformations in the area: the development of connectivity; the impact of newly introduced modern technologies, including microfinance; and the deterioration of natural resources, such as fish and forestland.

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  In this paper, I study the self-recognition and experience of “non-qualified” teachers after Pol Pot’s regime in Cambodia to analyze elementary school teachers’ life histories in the one of the major provincial capitals. In the People’s Republic of Kampuchea, after Pol Pot’s regime, the new Heng Samlin government faced a difficult situation. The government had to reconstruct a new nation state as a socialist state under the intervention of Vietnamese armies and negative legacies of Pol Pot’s regime. In terms of education reconstruction, education policy was based on mass education; therefore, the problem of a lack of teachers was serious. To tackle this problem, many teachers were appointed with only short-term or no training. These teachers are called “non-qualified” teachers in this paper.

  Today, Cambodian teachers are labeled as “low quality teachers”, as they are perceived to be less educated teachers like “non-qualified” teachers. In many cases, focus was placed on teachers’ educational backgrounds, and teachers were categorized for the target of educational development. Along with teachers’ narratives, I attempt to analyze the following three questions: (1) Which teachers are recognized as being “non-qualified” teachers?; (2) What sort of educational background does each “non-qualified” teacher have?, and (3) What are other common experiences among “non-qualified” teachers? From these three questions, I characterize the self-recognition of being a “non-qualified” teacher and other common experiences.

  First, how are teachers recognized as being “non-qualified” teachers? One teacher said, “Before 1985, when the allocation of new formal teachers started, all teachers were “non-qualified” teachers, including me.” Another teacher said, “Teachers who had a high educational background were also deemed ‘non-qualified’ teachers, because they did not have a formal teacher’s certificate.” The teacher, who already had a teacher’s certification before Pol Pot’s regime, told me that he had also attended the same short-term teacher training alongside less educated, “non-qualified” teachers in the People’s Republic of the Kampuchea era. From teachers’ self-recognition and common identification awareness, “non-qualified” teachers include all the teachers who were appointed in the beginning of the People’s Republic of Kampuchea . Age and educational background were not important for the classification.

  Second, based on teachers’ life histories, in Table 3 I profile 17 “non-qualified” teachers and two teachers who had experienced formal teacher training courses in the People’s Republic of the Kampuchea era. Table 3 provides basic information as of 1979 (birth year, sex and occupation), educational backgrounds, final educational qualifications, years and periods of short-term teacher training, year formal teacher certificates were obtained, and working periods in elementary schools. The data in Table 3 reveals three important points. Firstly, at the beginning of the People’s Republic of the Kampuchea era, teachers with high educational backgrounds worked together in elementary schools as “non-qualified” teachers. Secondly, in 1979 there was no obvious relationship between educational backgrounds and the period of short-term teacher training. Finally, low educational background “non-qualified” teachers could continue to gain more educational experience and advance their careers. Such actual images of “non-qualified” teachers from this discussion is different from teachers’ images labeled as “low quality.”

  Third, what is the common background among “non-qualified” teachers, excepting educational background? Here I focus on three topics: teachers’ motivation, teaching style and content, and secondary employment. Concerning teachers’ motivation, many teachers decided to start working as a teacher, psychologically (View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)

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  In this paper, I aim to study the differences of the meaning of “labor” among the government, teachers and ex-students. “Labor” was an important subject in the curriculum as socialist education after Pol Pot’s regime in Cambodia. During Pol Pot’s regime, the education system was abolished, and many teachers were slaughtered. In the era of the People’s Republic of Kampuchea (PRK), after Pol Pot’s regime ended in 1979, the Kampuchea People’s Revolutionary Party (KPRP) government faced the difficult task of reconstructing the new nation state and building a new education system, which reflected the Eastern bloc socialist ideology. There are only a small number of empirical studies about education during the PRK era since researchers from the western bloc were prohibited from entering Cambodia, in addition to the ongoing civil war near the Thai-Cambodia border area. Therefore, this research considers the intention of the subject from not only the perspective of the curriculum that reflected the KPRP policy, but also from an individual perspective based on interviews with elementary school teachers and ex-students.

  This research’s significance lies in re-evaluating the meaning and the value of socialist education in Cambodia. Although the concept of socialism has had a great impact not only on Cambodian politics, but also on people’s lives, there have been very few studies from the point of view of socialist education in Cambodia. The Cambodian People’s Party, which has its roots in the KPRP, is the ruling party of Cambodia, and they initiated the education reconstruction process following Pol Pot’s regime, continuing the reconstruction process from the PRK era to the present. Understanding the meaning and the value of “labor” could not only make up for the lack of previous research, but also could gain a new perspective on the present education system.

  In order to reveal the differences of the meaning of “labor”, the following two aspects were analyzed: (1) I first discussed the background of the KPRP, and the purpose and contents of the “General Primary Education Curriculum in 1980,” (2) I then analyzed the experiences and the recollections of the teachers and the ex-students from the PRK era.

  The findings are as follows:

  First, according to the history of the KPRP, it is clear that the KPRP and Pol Pot’s group had a common origin. The KPRP had a strong friendship with Vietnam; however, Vietnam was considered an enemy of Pol Pot’s group. The KPRP government hoped to join the international socialist community, which was centered on the Soviet Union, through its close relationship with Vietnam.

  Second, from the analysis of the “General Primary Education Curriculum in 1980”, I identified “labor” as a key subject, because it is closely related to the purpose of the complete general primary education while reflecting a socialist ideology. The purpose of “labor” was to connect the school to the home and the community and thus the concept of “labor” was roughly divided into two components: productive labor and labor to learn solidarity. The subject of “labor” reflected an ideal of socialism pedagogy.

  Third, according to the interviews with teachers, it was revealed that the teachers were almost uninterested in “labor” as the key of socialist education. On the contrary, they were inclined to think that “labor” had an educational value in Pol Pot’s regime. Additionally, during the PRK era their teaching methodology in elementary school referenced their own learning experiences received before Pol Pot’s regime. This establishes the following two important explanations; first, the KPRP government could not distinguish clearly between their socialist ideology and Pol Pot’s communist ideology. (View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)

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Until the late 1980s, Vietnam had lacked a consistent policy toward non-Communist South-East Asia. The leadership in Hanoi maintained a dichotomic and military-centric world view so that it tended to overlook its South-East Asian neighbours and their regional organisation, that is, the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN). Vietnam's main foreign policy objective in the region was to consolidate the “special relationship” among the three Indo-Chinese countries, even at the expense of undeveloped ties with the ASEAN countries.
In 1989, however, Vietnam began to vitalise her South-East Asian policy to “neutralise” Cambodia without hampering her security interests there. The 13th Resolution on foreign policy adopted by the Politburo on 20 May 1988 put forth the idea of comprehensive security based on “economic strength, military capability appropriate for defense, and expanding international cooperation.” Indonesia's collaboration with Vietnam in sponsoring regional diplomacy that excluded China and Thailand's desire to “turn Indo-China from a battlefield into a marketplace” had encouraged then Foreign Minister Nguyen Co Thach, one of the main advocates of the 13th Resolution.
Although the principal role in the Cambodian peace settlement was assumed by the Permanent Five of the United Nations Security Council, this did not discourage Vietnam from developing a new relationship with ASEAN. There seemed to be two main reasons. Firstly, Chian's heavy-handed policy in the South China Sea implied that bilateral negotiations with China would hardly be sufficient to maintain the balance of power at sea. Secondly, Vietnam has good reasons to promote the integration of Indo-China into ASEAN to stabilise the region without making unilateral and military commitments again. In fact, the Party Secretary-General Do Muoi insisted in June 1992 that Vietnam should “expand, deversify, and multilateralise” her external relations. Also, Foreign Minister Nguyen Manh Cam in October 1992 made an important remark: “Global security is indivisible.”
Vietnam's admission into ASEAN in July 1995 was an epoch-making event in South-East Asian politics. This healed all remaining divisions left by colonial rule and the Cold War in South-East Asia. It is questionable, however, to what extent ASEAN will be able to share security interests with Vietnam in coping with China in the South China Sea and stabilising Cambodia.

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11世紀の建造物とされているプレアビヒア寺院をめぐっては1962年の国際司法裁判所で寺院の帰属はカンボジア領と規定されたが、カンボジアとタイ両国で国境未確定地域を含む領土問題となってきた。カンボジア内戦終了後の2000年代になり、この問題はカンボジアとタイの両国の政治指導者、国内の市民、反市民社会アクターを越えた脱国家的リンケージの展望を示してきた。本研究では国際関係論のセキュリタイゼーションを援用し、両国の社会的安全保障の観点からプレアビヒア寺院をめぐるアイデンティティー政治言説の構築を分析する。

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