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  • 小川 亮作
    民族學研究
    1943年 New1 巻 4 号 431-440
    発行日: 1943/05/05
    公開日: 2018/03/27
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 小川 亮作
    民族學研究
    1943年 New1 巻 3 号 290-306
    発行日: 1943/04/05
    公開日: 2018/03/27
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ──1980年代のカーフィル(不信仰者)宣告をめぐる与野党の論争──
    塩崎 悠輝
    東南アジア -歴史と文化-
    2013年 2013 巻 42 号 5-31
    発行日: 2013年
    公開日: 2016/12/15
    ジャーナル フリー

    The objective of this study was to consider stances of ulama on modern state and control over shari‘ah interpretation by the Malaysian government. This study analyzed materials on kafir (infidel) declaration including fatwas in Malaysia in the 1980s. The main focus of the study was discourses by Parti Islam SeMalaysia (PAS) or Islamic Party of Malaysia and contradictions by the government. PAS was founded by ulama in the Malay Peninsula in the 1950s. PAS played a role as a political platform of ulama to confront with the government. In the former half of the 1980s PAS attacked the government for its secular − or infidel − characteristics. In this period the conflict between ulama and the government was most fierce in the Malaysian history.

    When PAS declared the Malaysian government to be infidel, the government competed by issuing fatwas by official muftis. In Malaysia there are enactments to regulate issuance of fatwa. Issuance of fatwa is monopolized by official Fatwa Committees under Majlis Agama Islam or Islamic religious Council in each state. After an official fatwa is published in a gazette, the fatwa becomes binding. All Muslims in the state must follow it. Actions or discourse against the gazetted fatwa are penalized according to the enactments. Such state control on fatwa is very rare in the history of the Muslim world.

    Although the government attempted to regulate kafir declaration by PAS, the confrontation escalated and an armed conflict broke out in 1985. In Memali, state of Kedah, a PAS leader called Ibrahim Libya was swooped by security force. Ibrahim was known by his judgment against the “infidel” government. As a result of the conflict, Ibrahim himself and his 14 followers were killed. After the incident, the way of burial for victims became an issue between PAS and the government. PAS tried to mobilize ulama in Majlis Agama in Kedah, and attempted to obtain an official fatwa to bury victims as martyrs. The burial as martyrs meant that Ibrahim’s death was the result of legitimate uprising against the infidel government. However, PAS failed in the attempt. The attempt by PAS reflected ambivalent stance on the state control on fatwa. Although the fatwa control is a regulation on shari‘ah interpretation by ulama, it is also an opportunity for ulama to utilize state power to influence on the Muslim society.

    The state control on fatwa was a part of the nationalization of Islamic affairs by the Malaysian government. Because of such nationalization policies, the authority of ulama declined in long term. Ulama were involved in bureaucracy and lost their own voices as teachers, scholars, and muftis. PAS can be considered as an attempt by ulama to retain their authority as shari‘ah interpreter through a political platform. However, state power was fascinating and even PAS was not necessarily against the nationalization of Islamic affairs. The controversy on kafir declaration and fatwa showed the dilemma of ulama between shari‘ah and the state.

  • 中田 考
    オリエント
    1992年 35 巻 1 号 16-31
    発行日: 1992/09/30
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    In the classical Islamic jurisprudence the Jihad is defined as ‘to expend one's life, wealth, and words in the war or the defence against infidels’. But after the collapse of the Ottoman Caliphate, the political situations of the Islamic world drastically changed, which called various responses among Muslim intellectuals. Faraj, the ideologue of the Egyptian ‘Jihad’ group demonstrates that contemporary rulers apostatize from Islam because they do not rule according to the shari'a. So it turns to be individual obligation for Muslims to go jihad against the apostate rulers, for the jihad against apostates is to precede that against native infidels and the near enemy is more dangerous than the distant. But the jihad against the rulers has now no hope to succeed, so Shaikh 'Abdulgadir, a member of the ‘Jihad’, argues that the military training for the jihad is incumbent on every sane adult Muslim who has the necessary equipments and that Muslims should elect a qualified commander by lack of the caliph.
    Dr. 'Umar 'Abdurrahman, the mentor of the ‘Jama'a Isldmiya’, who classifies the rulers of the Muslim states into six categories, distinguishes the contemporary ruler from the traditional types of rulers and coins the word mustabdil for that. He concludes that the mustabdil is infidel and consequently has no legitimacy to rule and that Muslims must rise against him. Abu Ithar, Dr. 'Umar's disciple refines the conception of mustabdil and proves that the war against a mustabdil is not the rebellion which is one of the hudud crimes, but Muslim's duty.
    Thus the fight against evil rulers is justified both in the framework of the jihad theory by Faraj and 'Abdulgadir, and in the discussion about the legitimacy of the caliph by Dr.' Umar and Abu Ithar.
    The ‘revolutionary jihad theories’ radically differ from the classical theory of the jihad and the caliphate. In the classical Islamic jurisprudence the jihad is defined as the war against infidels and strictly separated from the notion of apostasy which is one of the hudud crimes. The caliphate theory is inserted in the chapter of the rebellion in the Islamic jurisprudence, so that it serves mainly for the justification of the temporal ruler and excludes the possibility of discussing the caliph's apostasy.
  • ジャワ北海岸におけるアフマッド・リファイ運動をめぐる言説を分析して
    菅原 由美
    東南アジア -歴史と文化-
    2003年 2003 巻 32 号 3-27
    発行日: 2003/05/30
    公開日: 2010/03/16
    ジャーナル フリー
    In the middle of the 19th century Javanese aristocrats (priyayi) who had become bureaucrats in the colonial government managed to stay on good terms with the Dutch colonial government in order to preserve their social status. At the same time, they were charged with governing local society. They had to oversee the social order and local religious activities in order to implement the agrarian system. For self-justification, they needed to involve religious officials known as pangulu.
    Discourses between priyayi and Muslim leaders over the religious movement that occurred in the 1850's in the Residency of Pekalongan offers a very interesting example. The leader of this movement, K. H. Ahmad Rifa'i, after returning from Mecca, opened an Islamic shool in the outlying village of Kalisalak and began teaching orthodox Islamic beliefs to the villagers in central Java. He composed many Islamic poetic works in Javanese (with Arabic letters pegon) so that people could understand them easily. In his works he severely criticized local religious officials and the priyayi for serving “the infidel” (the Dutch). He urged the reformation of Javanese Islamic society.
    The Priyayi, on the other hand, endeavored to refute Rifa'i's argument, also using Islamic terms. In the one famous work of court literature, entitled Serat Cabolek, Rifa'i is described as an ignorant and arrogant Islamic leader, who had been admonished by the pangulu and priyayi for his acts of folly. According to Scrat Cabolek, Rifa'i spread a heretic Islamic dogma not in accordance with the Koran and was deceiving ignorant villagers into disrespecting the priyayi. At the end of the story, Rifa'i's assertions prove to be false as the result of “religious dispute” with a pangulu, held in the presence of the priyayi and an audience. The pangulu is praised for his intelligence and courage, and the priyayi is also praised for maintaining the order in Javanese society.
    The priyayi thus endeavored to justify themselves through the subjugation of a “heretic.”
  • 鈴木 斌
    印度學佛教學研究
    1989年 38 巻 1 号 336-341
    発行日: 1989/12/20
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    ジャーナル フリー
  • クシャンとヵーフィルーカラシュをつなぐもの
    藤原 達也
    オリエント
    1999年 42 巻 1 号 29-52
    発行日: 1999/09/30
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    Kanishka the Great of the Kushan issued a gold type which figures on its reverse a deity on a dicephalous horse whom the legend designates MOZΔOOANO (fig.2). Duchesne-Guillemin identified him with ωOPOMOZΔO “Ahura Mazdâ” on a gold issue of Huvishka I (fig. 3), and read the legend as “Mazdâ the Vanquisher”. Humbach, contra this, doubted Mazdâ worship in the Kushan, partly by suspecting the authenticity of ωOPOMOZΔO coins, and interpreted the legend as “Winner of Wisdom”. A Bactrian inscription of Kanishka the Great, discovered in 1993 at Rabatak (North Afghanistan) and published by Sims-Williams (1995/96), declares that Kanishka worshipped both Ahura Mazdâ and MOZΔOOANO as different gods and that both of the views above mentioned are not the case. 7 deities of the inscription correspond virtually, considered the interchangeability between the deities in Awesta, to those of Kanishka's gold coins (fig. 1). In Awesta they form Mithraic circle, and we find “remainder” each one in the circle and in the inscription and coins. The former is Fravaši, the latter MOZΔOOANO (<*Mazdâ-van). In all Awestan invocations of Fravašis they are addressed as aša-van and the synonymity of aša- with Mazdâ- is well attested. It is highly probable, supposed in an unorthodox Zoroastrian society like that of the Kushans whose supreme god is not Ahura Mazdâ but seemed Mithra, that Fravašis were worshipped under their own designation *Mazdâ-van which might have been robbed of them by the orthodox who used Mazdâ- almost invariably as the name of the Lord (Ahura).
    Only one figure ever found who rides in the way as MOZΔOOANO does is the ancestral images of the Káfir-Kalásh (figs. 5, 6) who survive in Hindukush valleys holding fast their own tongues (as archaic as those of Veda and Awesta) and —at least as to the Kalásh— own pagan religion. Their cults of ancestors, not only their making the wooden images, but the festival called Mandahík (meaning “coming of the deads”) which is well comparable with Hamaspaθmaêdaya, Zoroastrian festival for Fravašis (ancestral spirits), are linked up with warriors' god Mahandéw who is in a Kalásh myth also a rider on a dicephalous horse and only his altars have additional 2 (totally 4) wooden horse-heads (fig. 7). Mahandéw is, so to speak, a kind of archetype of ancient Indian war god Indra as a complex of divine beings and heroes (see Benveniste & Renou 1934). Fravašis are sometimes fearful warriors and Awestan descriptions of them are, as Wikander pointed out, comparable with those of Indra and his men (Maruts) in Rig-Veda. MOZΔOOANO, like the images of warrior-ancestors of the Káfir-Kalásh, and not like other Kushan deities, is figured as an armed Kushan monarch. The riders on a dicephalous horse common to the Kushan and the Káfir-Kalásh must be considered, not as an coincidence or as a result of direct connections between them, but in the Indo-Iranian context.
  • 弘末 雅士
    東南アジア -歴史と文化-
    2014年 2014 巻 43 号 121-126
    発行日: 2014年
    公開日: 2016/12/17
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 山本 博之
    東南アジア研究
    2018年 56 巻 1 号 118-121
    発行日: 2018年
    公開日: 2018/07/31
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 縄田 鉄男
    オリエント
    1985年 28 巻 1 号 158-175
    発行日: 1985/09/30
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 高島 淳
    宗教研究
    2005年 79 巻 2 号 593-598
    発行日: 2005/09/30
    公開日: 2017/07/14
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ウスマーン・ブン・フーディーの著作の分析から
    苅谷 康太
    アフリカ研究
    2016年 2016 巻 89 号 1-13
    発行日: 2016/05/31
    公開日: 2017/05/31
    ジャーナル フリー
    19世紀初頭,現在のナイジェリア北部一帯に相当するハウサランドにおいて大規模な軍事ジハードが開始された。このジハードは,数年のうちに次々と同地のハウサ諸王権を圧倒し,一般にソコト・カリフ国と呼ばれる,イスラームを統治の基盤に据えた国家の建設を実現した。ジハードと国家建設の中心にいたイスラーム知識人ウスマーン・ブン・フーディー(1817年歿)は,複数の著作の中で,ハウサランドもしくはスーダーンに住む人々を信仰の様態に基づいて分類し,更に,その分類において不信仰者と見做した人々の捕虜・奴隷化に関する規定を論じている。本稿では,国家の基盤建設期にあたる1808年以降のウスマーンが,ウラマーの多くが認めていない法学的見解に依拠することを容認する「寛容の思想」を導入し,上述の信仰の様態に基づく人間の分類を操作することによって,捕虜・奴隷化し得る不信仰者の範疇を如何に拡大したのかを明らかにし,更に,その背景に如何なる理由が存在したのかを考察する。
  • 東長 靖
    オリエント
    1990年 33 巻 1 号 64-79
    発行日: 1990/09/30
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    In my last paper [in The World of Islam, Nos. 33/34, 1990] on the controversies over the orthodoxy of Wahdah al-wujud in the late Mamluk period, I pointed out that most of the sufis were within the ‘orthodox’ and that in this period we find no ‘ulama’ vs sufi schema.
    In this article I take up Ibn Taymiyah's comprehension of tasawwuf for enlargement of my last study. It is fact that Ibn Taymiyah, who belongs to the early Mamluk period, severely criticized Wahdah al-wujud and some popular sufi practices, but he was not against tasawwuf itself.
    He divides sufis into three groups as follows; (1) ‘true’ sufis who worship only Allah, (2) sufis who observe legal (shar'i) manners in their practices, and (3) superficial sufis who follow some customs without understanding of their true meaning. He puts his own position in the first group, and from this inner standpoint he criticizes other sufis such as those of Ahmadiyah-Rifa'iyah Tariqah, who belong to the third group, for their innovation and deviation from shari'ah, and demands their repentance. According to his view, Wahdah al-wujud goes outside of this framework of sufis. So his criticism on Wahdah al-wujud was not against tasawwuf, rather his aim was to defend ‘true’ tasawwuf as he thinks it.
    From this and the last study, we can conclude that nobody was against tasawwuf itself in the Mamluk period with the only exception of Wahdah al-wujud, which was criticized as philosophy by some, not all, thinkers.
  • イスラーム的規範の多元性
    堀井 聡江
    宗教研究
    2016年 90 巻 2 号 131-155
    発行日: 2016年
    公開日: 2017/09/15
    ジャーナル フリー

    イスラームにおける酒の禁止は日本においてもよく知られている。事実、何らかのイスラーム化政策を必要とする現代のムスリム国家にとっては、酒の禁止は最もわかりやすくかつ簡単な方法である。しかし、逆に言えば多くのムスリム国家では酒が消費されており、製造や輸出がさかんな国まである。それはイスラームの戒律が守られていないというより、シャリーア(イスラーム法)自体が不統一だからである。

    本稿では次のことを明らかにする。イスラームの聖典クルアーンはワインの飲用のみを禁ずるが、その沿革および禁止の性質は不明確である。酒の禁止は、そこにイスラームの理想を求めた伝承主義運動の影響を通じてイスラーム法学の多数説となったが、ワイン以外の酒は酩酊しない限度で飲用を認めるハナフィー派の学説もシャリーアを構成していた。また、いずれの立場も飲酒罪に法定の処罰を科すことに対して現代のイスラーム主義者ほど積極的とはいえない。

  • 保坂 俊司
    宗教研究
    2009年 83 巻 2 号 601-625
    発行日: 2009/09/30
    公開日: 2017/07/14
    ジャーナル フリー
    小論では、まずインドにおける宗教と倫理の関係性を論ずる前に、「倫理」という言葉の意味背景を明らかにし、日本語の倫理という言葉が持つ問題点を明らかにした。その後、インド中世において独自の思想で教団を創設したナーナクの教えを中心に、その宗教教理が、シク教徒の日常倫理とどの様にリンクし、現実生活においてシク教徒がそれを如何に実践し、現実世界において独自性を発揮してきたかを明らかにした。特に、シク教徒の合理的で、現実主義的な教えは、世俗生活における行動規範に強く生かされ、シク教徒はインドの近代化に大きく貢献をしてきたのである。そこには、シク教の宗教的な理想を現世において実践しようとする近代ヨーロッパとは異なる形であるが、宗教と倫理の一致の思想がある。
  • 保坂 俊司
    宗教研究
    2004年 78 巻 2 号 373-395
    発行日: 2004/09/30
    公開日: 2017/07/14
    ジャーナル フリー
    本小論ではイスラムの寛容思想の可能性を、インド・イスラムが展開したヒンドゥー教徒など多神教徒との共存の思想、寛容思想の展開に探ったものである。というのも、イスラム原理主義などに象徴されるイスラム純粋主義的傾向が世界的に優勢となり、このような極端なイスラム観が、イスラム・非イスラムの人々にともに共有され、その結果として無益なイスラム脅威論が形成されることを筆者は恐れるのである。それ故に、イスラムの多様性を、思想的はもとよりイスラム神学の裏付けを伴い構築したインド・イスラムの展開を、寛容思想中心に歴史的に概観したのが本小論である。
  • 帯谷 知可
    ロシア史研究
    2005年 76 巻 15-27
    発行日: 2005/05/25
    公開日: 2017/07/25
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 鈴木 規夫
    年報政治学
    2000年 51 巻 121-140
    発行日: 2001/01/30
    公開日: 2009/12/21
    ジャーナル フリー
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