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  • 小久保 康之
    日本EU学会年報
    2004年 2004 巻 24 号 50-66,309
    発行日: 2004/09/30
    公開日: 2010/05/21
    ジャーナル フリー
    The purposes of this paper are to clarify the complications involved in Cyprus' becoming a member of the EU when compared with other Central and Eastern European applicant countries and to inquire wether Cyprus' accession to the EU may be a catalyst for resolving the “Cyprus Problem”.
    Cyprus is the only country among the 13 countries who have applied for the membership in the EU, which has been divided into two communities. Internationally, the Greek Cypriots, the southern part of the island, is recognized as the legitimate government of the Republic of Cyprus and the Turkish Cypriot, TRNC (Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus), claim to independence, is recognized only by Turkey. Greek support for the southern part of the island and Turkish recognition for the northern part places these two countries at the center of the Cyprus Problem.
    The Greek Cypriots had submitted an application for the membership of the whole island to the EU in 1990, hoping to solve the Cyprus Problem or at least to gain membership in the EU as a guarantee against a Turkish invasion of the southern part of the island. The EU was from the beginning in favor of Cypriot membership but the reunification of the island was considered implicitly as a precondition for the membership of Cyprus. In 1995, the EU decided to open the negotiation for accession of Cyprus under strong pressure from Greece, which accepted in return, the customs union between the EU and Turkey. In 1998, the EU began the accession negotiations and decoupled the membership of Cyprus and the Cyprus Problem, hoping that its membership might be a catalyst for the reunification of the island. But then, the EU had to tackle seriously the question of Turkish membership as well.
    The author's conclusion is that the membership of the Republic of Cyprus, leaving the island divided into two communities, will be an abnormal situation for the EU and that if the EU hopes for the reunification of the island, it must also accept the membership of Turkey. Therefore, Cyprus' membership may bring a positive effect toward the stabilization of the Eastern part of the Mediterranean resolving not only the Cyprus problem, but also the question of Turkish membership in the EU as well as Greco-Turkish antagonisms.
  • 新井 桂子
    オリエント
    1973年 16 巻 2 号 139-155,189
    発行日: 1973年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    Cyprus has received attentions of many foreign powers because of her copper and her suitable location for the trade and the strategic point in the east Mediterranean.
    Her relation with Mycenaean civilization can be roughly divided into three stages as follows;
    1) the trade. Its zenith was shown by the overwhelming appearance of the Pictorial style pottery in Cyprus, wherever the homeland of this style might be. Not as the colonists but as the residents, especially at Enkomi and Kition, the Mycenaean merchants and craftmen were engagedin the trade with the Mycenaean world and the Levant. Though this trade brought Cyprus prosperity, it seems that they had not so great political power in Cyprus. And by the 13th century B. C. they became independent from the Mainland to some extent. Cyprus had not belonged to the Mycenaean world yet.
    2) the refuge of the Mycenaean civilization. Soon after a series of the destructions in the Mycenaean world at the end of the 13th century B. C., Cyprus also suffered from destructions but in the rebuilt cities we can see the high standard of the technique of LH. IIIB which no more in the Mainland. Before the culture of the Mycenaean refugees gave influences on that of Cyprus fundamentally, there happened the second destruction in Cyprus and many destricts were desolated. Both destructions in Cyprus, I think, were caused by the Sea People. The Mycenaean Greeks among them played the leading part in their movements toward the east. The Trojan war, for instance, was one of the conflicts between them and the great powers of the east. After the final destruction in c. 1150 B. C., the Mycenaean Greeks again began to immigrate in Cyprus and other places. This series of immigrants succeeded in establishing themselves in Cyprus and introduced the Granary class pottery which influenced on the Cypriot ones. When Cyprus got out of the following Dark Ages, she had been almost completely hellenized.
    3) influence on the Greek world. Though the center of the culture had disappeared and the so called Dark Ages had begun, the Mycenaean way of life in the Mainland still continued in narrow streams untill the middle of the 11th century B. C., when iron used as working tools and the Protogeometric pottery appeared. These novelities, which seem to have received some influences from Cyprus or through Cyprus from somewhere in the east, introduced the new era.
  • 鈴木 董
    国際政治
    1983年 1983 巻 73 号 44-63,L9
    発行日: 1983/05/25
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    I.
    The Cyprus problem was one of the important international conflicts in the Middle East in the 1960s and 1970s. It was essentially an ethnic conflict between the Greek Cypriots and the Turkish Cypriots, which developed into an international conflict. It was one of the fierce outbreaks of ethnic conflicts which are characteristic of the contemporary Middle East.
    II.
    In the modern age, the Western impact destroyed the traditional world system implying a self-sufficient Middle Eastern Islamic World and in the following process of “modernization”, the nature of its basic political units, the structure of identity and the style of co-existence among the ethnic groups, changed greatly.
    Before the coming of the Western impact, the Middle East was one of the relatively self-sufficient traditional world systems. In the Middle Eastern Islamic World, the idea of the unity of the Islamic World prevailed. There were, in fact, political units called “dawla.” Notwithstanding, the identity of the Middle Eastern peoples who belonged to dawlas was not based on ascription to political units but on religion.
    The various ethnic groups, which were the components of the mosaic-like societies in the Middle East, formed communities according to religions. And there existed a traditional style of co-existence among them. This traditional style of co-existence in the Middle Eastern Islamic world was not based on the principle of the equality of each ethnic group, but on the principle of the supremacy of the Muslims over the non-Muslims.
    Non-Muslims were thus second class citizens in Islamic political society. Notwithstanding, considering the limited range of political participation and the structure of the identity of the people of the time, the traditional Middle Eastern style of co-existence, which was institutionalized as a “dhimmi” institution in the classical period and completed in the form of a “millet” institution in the Ottoman Empire, functioned rather well in the complicated mosaic-like societies of the Middle East. Only under the influence of modern nationalism did it begin to dissolve and ethnic conflicts begin to surface. The Cyprus problem is one of these ethnic conflicts of the modern Midddle East.
    III.
    Because of its strategic position, Cyprus was occupied by one nation after another. The ethnic composition of Cypriot society also became complicated. When the Ottomans conquered Cyprus in 1571, the largest ethnic group was the Greeks together with some other minor ethnic groups. After the Ottoman conquest, the Turkish soldiers and peasants emmigrated and became at least the second large ethnic group. The millet system, the Ottoman form of the traditional Middle Eastern style of co-existence, was applied to these ethnic groups. The millet system functioned and the fierce outbreak of ethnic conflicts were rarely seen.
    The beginning of ethnic conflicts came with the impact of the West. Especially, the rise of nationalism and the independence of Greece affected the situation in Cyprus. And the idea of enosis, namely the reunion of Cyprus with Greece, emerged in Greece. Greek nationalism gradually penetrated Cyprus. Because of the rise of the nationalism of non-Muslim subjects, there was an attempt to reform the principle of inequality between Muslims and non-Muslims. In this period, the traditional style of co-existence of ethnic groups was also changing. However, the relationship of co-existence among ethnic groups continued.
    IV.
    At the end of this period, in 1878, Cyprus came under British rule. Under British rule, the nationalism of the Greek ethnic group and the Turkish ethnic group developed. The separated educational system of each ethnic group under British rule contributed much to this development. The development of the nationalism of the Greek Cypriots oriented to enosis was especially outstanding. Because of
  • 藤井 崇
    西洋古典学研究
    2011年 59 巻 84-95
    発行日: 2011/03/23
    公開日: 2017/05/23
    ジャーナル フリー
    The aim of the present paper is to investigate into the imperial cult performed on Roman Cyprus, placing a special emphasis on the so-called Cypriot oath to emperor Tiberius preserved in a Greek inscription from the Aphrodite sanctuary of Paphos Vetus (T. B. Mitford, A Cypriot Oath of Allegiance to Tiberius, JRS 50(1960), 75-79). In the oath, the Cypriots swore to the goddess Roma, Tiberius and his family at the accession of the emperor to the throne in 14. After providing an overview of studies on the imperial cult and of the Cypriot oath, the present paper tackles the oath and its text from the following three viewpoints: the theoi horkioi, i.e., the guarantor deities of the oath; the oath and the imperial cult; and the context of the oath. The Cypriot oath to Tiberius, though fragmentary in part, provides us with some fascinating insights into the religious status of the emperor on the island, the rituals of the imperial cult, and the religious and political communication between the centre and the province. The elaborately structured list of the theoi horkioi not only connects the local deities with the communal and Roman deities of greater importance, but also places Augustus and his descendants into the local context of Cyprus by means of representing the first emperor as an offspring of Aphrodite, patroness of the city of Paphos and of the island as a whole. The living emperor Tiberius also received the cultic veneration of the Cypriots, though his religious status was modified 'downwards' by means of depriving him of the epithet theos and including the goddess Roma in the objects of the final clause, which would pertain to the sacrifice to the emperor. The practice of the oath was perhaps focused on the city of Paphos, which retained the Aphrodite sanctuary and (probably) that of Hestia; however, this does not mean that the Paphians drafted and performed the oath exclusively for their own purposes and that the other cities were excluded from it. The Cypriot oath is probably a 'provincial-civic' oath in which all communities on the island participated. The oath would have involved communication between the Cypriots and the imperial power (imperial agents and the emperor himself), e.g., through the supervision of the oath by proconsules and the dispatch of a delegation to the emperor. The oath, therefore, offered the occasion for a communicative network between the Cypriots in the provincial capital and other communities, imperial agents, and the emperor himself at the religious and political levels.
  • 伊藤 頌文
    国際政治
    2016年 2016 巻 184 号 184_132-184_145
    発行日: 2016/03/30
    公開日: 2016/11/22
    ジャーナル フリー

    This article explores Britain’s diplomatic action during the Cyprus crisis in summer 1974, considering the co-relations between the British concerns about its ‘remnant of Empire’ in the eastern Mediterranean and the disputes within the Western alliance in the region.

    It is often emphasised that post-war British foreign policy was radically amended by the decision of withdrawal from ‘East of Suez’ in January 1968. This decision, however, did not mean Britain’s total retreat from post-imperial presence in the world. In the regions where the Cold War confrontation intensified, its influence and commitment continued, although British capability to contribute to the Western alliance was declining.

    The eastern Mediterranean, where Britain’s historical ties and strategic bases were maintained, became a typical case of this dilemma. Matters were further complicated by Greco-Turkish dispute over Cyprus, which witnessed ethnic conflict originating during British colonial rule. Both Greece and Turkey were the members of North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and, along with Britain, the co-guarantors of independent Cyprus. Britain’s remaining commitment, namely the ‘remnant of Empire,’ and alliance politics were thereby connected over Cyprus.

    The Cyprus crisis of 1974 involved three guarantors and other alliance members. As a guarantor of Cyprus and the leader of Commonwealth, the British government led by foreign secretary James Callaghan played the central role for a diplomatic solution. Pursuing the stability of the region, at first Britain condemned the Greek junta, which had direct responsibility for the crisis. At the same time, it needed to restrain Turkey from unilateral military action.

    In order to prevent the situation from escalating, the coordination between Britain and the United States was essential. However, American authorities, headed by Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger, were primarily concerned with the Cold War confrontation with the Soviet Union and NATO’s stability in the region rather than British interests. It was obvious to Kissinger that the Greek junta was already corrupt and Turkey was much more important for NATO than Greece, and therefore he was reluctant to bring pressure either on the Greek junta or on the Turkish jingoists. This precipitated Turkish military actions and the breakdown of peace talks among the guarantors.

    Callaghan and British policymakers were irritated by Kissinger’s unsympathetic attitude. Although it lacked the possibility to achieve the diplomatic solution unilaterally, caught by its historical legacy Britain could not compromise on Cyprus with Kissinger. Therefore, as Callaghan complained after the crisis,Britain had the ‘responsibility without power’ for the eastern Mediterranean and Cyprus.

  • 細野 喜代
    美学
    2008年 59 巻 2 号 165-
    発行日: 2008/12/31
    公開日: 2017/05/22
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 白木 敬一, 黒田 直, 浦野 隼臣
    日本地質学会学術大会講演要旨
    1986年 1986 巻
    発行日: 1986/04/25
    公開日: 2017/12/22
    会議録・要旨集 フリー
  • 八谷 まち子
    国際政治
    2005年 2005 巻 142 号 79-94,L11
    発行日: 2005/08/29
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The Brussels European Council in December 2004 finally concluded to start the accession negotiations with Turkey on October 3, 2005. Turkey submitted its accession application in 1987 preceding all of the ten new member states of the year 2004. Why has it taken so long for Turkey? What is the basic agenda for Turkey to realize its EU membership? To find answers to these questions, the concept of “focal point” might be useful.
    Thomas Schelling introduced the concept of “focal point” that [most bargaining situations ultimately involve some range of possible outcomes within which each party would rather make a concession than fail to reach agreement at all. … Any potential outcome is one that either party could have improved by insisting, yet each knows that the other would rather concede than do without agreement. … These reflexive expectations somehow converge on a single point at which each expects the other not to expect to be expected to retreat.] Garett and Weingast elaborate the concept by referring to the “mutual recognition” introduced in a decision of “the Cassis de Dijon” by the European Court of Justice in 1979, and embedded in the European Single Act as a legal system for the single market project. That is, when a natural focal point does not exist, an institution may propose a constructed focal point for an enhancement of expectation towards a possible agreement of a negotiation.
    In the light of the above understanding of a focal point, there may have been, at least, two potential focal points between Turkey and the EU: the Copenhagen Criteria and the European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP). The former was set out unilaterally by the EU as the conditionalities for the EU membership, therefore, the Copenhagen Criteria was meant to be a constructed focal point. But it was originally set out to facilitate and control the accession of the former socialist countries which were making efforts to transform their national regimes, while Turkey with its established nationalist idea and regime had tremendous difficulties in renovating the systems in accordance with the EU criteria. The constructed focal point, unlike the former socialist countries, failed to work automatically in Turkey, but started to function with an additional impetus of the promise to give a starting date of negotiation. Turkish domestic situation required an extra motivation for a constructed focal point to be useful.
    The latter seemed to have had more chance to become a natural focal point, but Turkey stuck to its national interest particularly with the view to sustaining its de-facto governing influence over Cyprus. Greece, securing the interest of Cyprus, also insisted on the national interest. Under such circumstances, there was no place for the “reciprocal expectations” to develop in order to identify a focal point. Thus, a potentially existed natural focal point was unable to function.
    It should be expected for the EU to set a focal point in view with the Turkish membership including a solution to the divided Cyprus. What may be critical for identifying a focal point is not the problems such as a mass movement of labour, or huge financial aids to suppress the EU budget, often sited by Turkish antagonists. But whether the EU would be able to convince the European citizens of the significance of the Turkish membership, and to the same importance, whether Turkey would be able to internalize the Copenhagen Criteria that would inevitably transform the principles that Turkey has been standing on since its foundation in 1923..
  • 小川 直之
    フランス語フランス文学研究
    2008年 92 巻 155-168
    発行日: 2008/03/21
    公開日: 2017/08/04
    ジャーナル フリー
    Il s'agit d'un double feuillet de parchemin bien probablement du debut du XIV^e siecle. Ce feuillet, dont la partie superieure est entamee, contient un fragment de prose francaise en 236 lignes lisibles. Il a ete trouve chez un marchand de curiosites parisien. Le texte du fragment raconte une page de la guerre que les barons de Chypre sous le commandement de Jean d'Ibelin ont faite a Frederic II du Saint-Empire romain : il decrit, par exemple, la bataille de Casal Imbert qu'il date du mardi 3 mai 1232. Nous y avons reconnu la Continuation de Guillaume de Tyr, appelee aussi l'Histoire d'Eracles ; le recit du fragment correspond, en effet, au texte qu'on trouve dans les chapitres 27-36 du 33e livre de cette chronique editee par l'Academie des inscriptions et belles-lettres (Recueil des historiens des croisades. Historiens occidentaux, t. II, Paris, 1859). A la suite de la comparaison entre les lecons du fragment et celles des manuscrits utilises par l'edition de notre appui, nous avons etabli la filiation du fragment par rapport au ms. B. N. fr. 9082, qui a ete, par ailleurs, ecrit en 1295 a Rome. Les variantes donnees par le fragment ne sont generalement pas importantes, mais il y en a une, au moins, qui merite reflexion en ce sens qu'elle peut nous permettre de dater la production du fragment. Dans le present article, nous nous sommes limite a editer certains passages du fragment ; l'edition complete du texte sera presentee ailleurs. Et nous voudrions manifester toute notre gratitude au professeur Naoyuki Fukumoto, qui nous a aide a faire nos recherches sur ce fragment.
  • 柳井 修一, 石渡 明, 海野 進, 小沢 一仁, 荒井 章司
    地学雑誌
    1988年 97 巻 5 号 513-519
    発行日: 1988/10/25
    公開日: 2009/11/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    1987年10月4日から10目まで, キプロス地質調査所と国際地殻掘削グループ主催による恒例のキプロス・オフィオライト・シンポジウムが, 首都ニコシアにて開催された。今回は日本人参加者が大変多く (15人), イギリス (31人), アメリカ (25人), カナダ (19人), フランス (16人) に欠ぐ参加者数であった。今回, シンポジウムの巡検その他によって, トルードス・オフィオライトの一角を見聞できたので写真にて紹介したい。
    ギプロスは, 女神アフロディーテの故郷としてまた『オセロー』の舞台としても有名な人口64万人 (1987年) の東地中海の島国で, 英語・ギリシャ語が公用語となっている。トルコとの不幸な関係があるとはいえ大変親目的で, 治安も良好である。気候状況は, 夏期 (6-9月) は乾燥し暑い (35℃) が, 冬期は極めて過ごしやすい (最低16℃) 。しかし, オリンパス山頂上付近では冬期積雪があり, スキー客で賑わうとのことである。
    キプロス島は, 写真のように露頭状況が非常に良く, 地殻/マントル境界や地殻の断面が一望できる。キプロスのオフィオライトについての考え方は最近の研究によって, デビュー当時とはかなり異なってきている。
  • 永田 雄三
    オリエント
    1971年 14 巻 2 号 141-142
    発行日: 1971年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 長谷川 敦章
    オリエント
    2007年 50 巻 2 号 1-27
    発行日: 2007年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
    This paper studies a tomb found at Minet el-Beida in 1997. Fortunately, it seems that the tomb was not looted, and many grave goods were intact. These were the first materials recovered from Minet el-Beida since Schaeffer stopped the excavations in 1932, six decades before and have significant value for the archaeological study of the Late Bronze Age in the East Mediterranean world. This study aims to consider how long the tomb was in use by studying the structure of the tomb and the finds in it such as Mycenaean and Cypriote pottery.
    The tomb was built entirely of ashlars. It has one chamber of rectangular shape and is equipped with ashlar steps and a dromos, a short passage connecting the chamber to the outside. This type of tomb is commonly seen at Ras shamra, Minet el-Beida and Ras ibn Hani, and seems to date from the Late Bronze Age II, that is the 14th to 13th centuries B. C.
    Twenty-eight pieces of Mycenaean pottery and twenty-nine pieces of Cypriote pottery were recovered from the tomb. The Mycenaean pottery includes stirrup jars, alabastra and piriform jars. The chronological analysis in this paper suggests that most of the Mycenaean pottery dates back to the Late Helladic IIIB, several to the Late Helladic IIIA2, and one to the Late Helladic IIIB to IIIC1. The Cypriote pottery consists of white shaved ware and white slip II ware, which are also called milk bowls. The former are dated to the Late Cypriote IB to IIB and the latter to the Late Cypriote IIC1.
    In conclusion, it seems that the tomb started being used in the Late Helladic IIIA2 and was abandoned in the Late Helladic IIIB, that is, that it was used for about 165 years, between 1350 B. C. and 1185 B. C.
  • 中山 博一
    林學會雑誌
    1933年 15 巻 5 号 385
    発行日: 1933/05/10
    公開日: 2009/02/13
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 福本 直之
    フランス語フランス文学研究
    2010年 96 巻 175-
    発行日: 2010/03/20
    公開日: 2017/08/04
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 田崎 耕市, 猪俣 道也, 田崎 和江
    地質学雑誌
    1980年 86 巻 6 号 413-416
    発行日: 1980/06/15
    公開日: 2008/04/11
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 後藤 光一郎
    オリエント
    1971年 14 巻 1 号 168-170
    発行日: 1971年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 由井薗 隆也
    サービソロジー
    2015年 1 巻 4 号 74-75
    発行日: 2015/01/28
    公開日: 2018/06/01
    ジャーナル フリー HTML
  • 小川 英雄
    オリエント
    1968年 11 巻 3-4 号 104
    発行日: 1968年
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 鉱山地質
    1966年 16 巻 80 号 357-359
    発行日: 1966/12/15
    公開日: 2009/06/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 海野 進
    日本地質学会学術大会講演要旨
    1989年 1989 巻
    発行日: 1989/04/25
    公開日: 2017/08/25
    会議録・要旨集 フリー
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