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ラテンアメリカ・レポート
2011年 28 巻 2 号 94-96
発行日: 2011年
公開日: 2021/10/26

DOI https://doi.org/10.24765/latinamericareport.28.2_94

解説誌・一般情報誌フリー

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●西島章次・浜口伸明著『ブラジルにおける経済自由化の実証研究』近田亮平
●Hataya Noriko 著 La ilusión de la participación comunitaria: Lucha y negociación en los barrios irregulars de Bogotá 1992-2003 宇佐見耕一
●宇佐見耕一著『アルゼンチンにおける福祉国家の形成と変容：早熟な福祉国家とネオ・リベラル改革』宇佐見耕一
●キューバ教育省編・後藤政子訳『
キューバの歴史
：先史時代から現代まで』山岡加奈子
●国本伊代編著『現代メキシコを知るための60 章』村井友子
●Ponniah, Thomas, and Jonathan Eastwood eds.The Revolution in Venezuela: Social and Political Change under Chávez 坂口安紀
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日本キューバ友好協会と日本科学者会議との繋がりについて

なぜ，「キューバ特集」か？

増澤誠一

日本の科学者
2017年 52 巻 10 号 34-35
発行日: 2017年
公開日: 2024/01/01

DOI https://doi.org/10.60233/jjsci.52.10_34

ジャーナルフリー

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変わりつつあるキューバの社会と文化

変わりゆくものと変わらないもの

増澤誠一

日本の科学者
2017年 52 巻 10 号 22-27
発行日: 2017年
公開日: 2024/01/01

DOI https://doi.org/10.60233/jjsci.52.10_22

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資料紹介

ラテンアメリカ・レポート
2017年 34 巻 1 号 74-76
発行日: 2017年
公開日: 2020/09/30

DOI https://doi.org/10.24765/latinamericareport.34.1_74

解説誌・一般情報誌フリー

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●中野健太著『108 年の幸せな孤独 ―キューバ最後の日本人移民，島津三一郎』山岡加奈子
●後藤政子著『キューバ現代史 ―革命から対米関係改善まで』村井　友子
●奥田若菜著『貧困と連帯の人類学 ―ブラジルの路上市場における一方的贈与』近田　亮平
●工藤律子著『マラス ―暴力に支配される少年たち』星野　妙子
●宇佐見耕一・菊池啓一・馬場香織編『ラテンアメリカの市民社会組織 ―継続と変容』菊池　啓一
●清水達也著『ラテンアメリカの農業・食料部門の発展 ―バリューチェーンの統合』清水　達也

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序章　歴史認識と国際政治

等松春夫

国際政治
2017年 2017 巻 187 号 187_1-187_15
発行日: 2017/03/25
公開日: 2017/05/23

DOI https://doi.org/10.11375/kokusaiseiji.187_1

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The present issue examines relations between memories of history and international politics. In recent years interpretation of history with political implication (rekishi ninshiki) became a serious subject in matters regarding the past of war and colonial rule between Japan and China/Korea. However, the questions of history and politics is not peculiar to East Asian countries. Similar problems are occurring in many parts of the world as shown by articles in the present issue.
History plays important and in some cases crucial role in domestic politics and international relations. In creating a nation-state a shared understanding of the past is a powerful vehicle to unite people for a common cause. Political actors therefore struggle over the monopoly of national history which is indispensable in gaining legitimacy of the government. However, such a narrative of nation-building is a double-edged sword. It is effective on one hand in maintaining the unity within the domestic community. On the other hand it fosters jingoism and causes frictions between other states. Typical of these are border disputes in which different stories of nation-building provide the confronting states with the basis for territorial claim. In recent years some states contest over registering historical sites and records in UNESCO World Heritage and Memory of the World schemes, thus opening a new battlefront of ‘war of histories’. Official recognition of a specific edition of history by an international organization such as UNESCO has political impact on relations of states concerned.
A shared understanding of history often serves as a framework for post-war and post-colonial settlements. For example Germany and Japan’s re-entry to the western democracies became possible only when the two states accepted critical edition of their past during the Second World War. History may serve politics in such a way, however, with the side effect of bringing about the clash between ‘political correctness’ and academic objectivity and impartiality. Serious academic attempts to reexamine fixed official interpretation of history are therefore often criticized as revisionism.
In an attempt to solve such a ‘war of histories’, bilateral/multilateral joint research projects were promoted by some states. European cases such as German-Polish and Franco-German projects on history studies were successful in forming certain degree of shared views of the past, and resulted in the publication of common school history textbooks. However, similar projects between Japan and China/Korea ended in confusion, widening the gap between different approaches to history by the three countries.
It is expected that articles in the present issue will shed new lights on the question of history and politics.

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キューバのスペイン植民都市モデルの類型に関する考察

ベルデホ J.R.ヒメネス, 布野修司, 山田協太

日本建築学会計画系論文集
2008年 73 巻 623 号 117-123
発行日: 2008/01/30
公開日: 2008/10/31

DOI https://doi.org/10.3130/aija.73.117

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Authors have been conducting the field research under the title ‘Origin, Transformation, Alteration and Conservation of Urban Space of Colonial cities’ since 1999. This paper discusses the characteristics of the Spanish Colonial cities created in the Cuba Island. In the period of the Spanish urbanism in America, approximately a sixty of colonial cities were established in Cuba. This study on these cities has been accomplished based on the analysis of old maps corresponding to colonial Spanish period. As cartographic database, 916 images and maps from AGI (The Archive of the Indies in Seville- Archivo de Indias de Sevilla), are used for analysis.
In the analysis of the city maps, we classify them into several types according to the criteria of urban items such as location, urban, plaza, blocks, streets, measures, plots etc., which Law of Indies describes.
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平和の思想と階級闘争のイデオロギー

湯川和夫

哲学
1964年 1964 巻 14 号 81-97
発行日: 1964/03/31
公開日: 2009/07/23

DOI https://doi.org/10.11439/philosophy1952.1964.81

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1. The axiom of peace and the pacifism
“The peaceful co-existence and the peaceful settlement of international disputes” is something common among Marxists and non-Marxists, i. e., some sort of axiom. But the axiom itself should be distinguished from the idea of pacifism.Pacifists insist that nuclear weapons themselves threaten peace and that the peaceful settlement of international disputes should be unconditionally applied in all cases. Such an idea of pacifists is closely related to the idea of non-alignment in peace movement, distinguished from the non-alignment policy of some newly independent countries.
2. Peaceful co-existence and class struggle
Marxists insist that “?the co-existence of states with different social systems is a classs truggle between socialism and capitalism”. What is the relationship between peaceful co-existence and class struggle? That is the question, especially because peaceful co-existence is said to include even co-operation. This problem is related to the differences among Marxists concerning the under standing of that sentence.
3. Peace movement and national liberation movement
Peace movement has two aspects: one is campaign for the prohibition of nuclear weapons and the complete disarmament and the other is struggle against imperialism. How to unite these two aspects is one of the main issues in peace movement. It is closely connected with the problem of difference and unity of ideas among peace-loving people. Another important issue is the combination of peace movement with national liberation movement. The democratic principle of respect for independence and sovereignty is something common between them and it is also the ideological key to bringing the combination into being. The peoples of oppressed countries and the peace-loving forces have common interest against imperialism. This is the objective base of solidarity between them. The victory of world peace movement depends on how to combine national liberation movement with peaceful co-existence policy of socialist states and peace movement in capitalist countries, including struggle.
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ハバナ旧市街の保存修復型再開発に関する研究

観光・福祉・住宅政策に取り組む開発主体としてのハバナ市歴史官事務所

樋口智幸, 羽藤英二

都市計画論文集
2010年 45.3 巻 217-222
発行日: 2010/10/25
公開日: 2017/01/01

DOI https://doi.org/10.11361/journalcpij.45.3.217

ジャーナルオープンアクセス

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キューバの首都、ハバナの旧市街では、1990年代初頭の経済危機以降、積極的な観光開発施策が取られている。スペイン植民地時代のコロニアル様式を色濃く継承する街並みは、1982年にはユネスコの世界文化遺産に認定されているものの、宿泊施設や飲食、水道などのインフラ整備が遅れ、その観光資源を生かしきれていない。その一方、更新されないままに密集居住が進行しており、劣悪な住環境が課題となっている。キューバ政府は1993年に政令143号を公布し、ハバナ市歴史官事務所に旧市街の開発と自主財源の運用権限を与えた。同事務所は観光開発で得た財源を都市の修復に再投資すると同時に、住宅の修復や福祉施設の建設に充てるという、住民と観光客のバランスに配慮した施策を実施している。修復に当たって同事務所は、旧市街の都市構造と文化を引き継ぎ、5つの主要な広場と、要所にある小広場からなる街路システムを援用した計画を策定した。歩行者優先の空間整備を実現し、魅力ある街並みの再生に寄与している。
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一八九八年戦争の記憶

―米・キューバ国交正常化交渉におけるプエルトリコ独立問題を事例に―

上英明

国際政治
2017年 2017 巻 187 号 187_16-187_29
発行日: 2017/03/25
公開日: 2017/05/23

DOI https://doi.org/10.11375/kokusaiseiji.187_16

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The memory of the War of 1898 has been a contentious point of disagreements between the United States and Cuba. For decades, North Americans viewed the so-called “Spanish-American War” as a victorious step toward the greatness of the nation. In the wake of the sinking of the Maine, the United States declared war against Spain, an old imperial power. As seen in the figures of Theodore Roosevelt and his Rough Riders, men of diverse backgrounds joined the fray to overwhelm the Spanish military. It was their heroic acts that liberated the Cuban people from the oppressive regime of European colonialism. The United States gave independence to Cuba on May 20, 1902.
Across the Florida Straits, Cubans contested this depiction of the war. For them, the North American memory was unacceptable, offensive, and intolerable. It risked downplaying the sacrifice of 600,000 women and men who had died during the Independence War, which began since 1868 and lasted until the Spanish surrender. From Cuban perspectives, the U.S. entrance into the war was a logical extension of the territorial expansion of the North American Empire. What the northern giant brought to the island was not liberation but another form of repression. The true independence arrived on January 1, 1959, when the Cuban Revolution toppled the U.S.-supported dictatorship.
It is important to explore how the two governments grappled with the historical disagreements. Why did the war produce contradictory memories? How did they shape U.S.-Cuban conflicts since the Revolution of 1959? This article examines secondary sources and textbooks, and pays special attention to U.S.-Cuban conflicts over the independence of Puerto Rico, a matter of special importance to the two nations. It analyzes the minutes of the secret U.S.-Cuban diplomatic meetings in the late 1970s and illuminates the link between the historical memory and the conduct of foreign policy. Its conclusion suggests that dialogue, respect for mutual interests, and sustained conversations helped to generate a degree of understanding between the two governments despite the remaining gaps in historical memories.

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漁村コミュニティとの連帯を希求するサンチャゴ ── 『老人と海』に投影されたヘミングウェイの帰属願望

本荘忠大

英文学研究　支部統合号
2023年 16 巻 5-14
発行日: 2023年
公開日: 2024/03/01

DOI https://doi.org/10.20759/elsjregional.16.0_5

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フィデル・カストロ

第三世界政治家研究

岡部広治

国際政治
1977年 1977 巻 57 号 23-41,L1
発行日: 1977/05/30
公開日: 2010/09/01

DOI https://doi.org/10.11375/kokusaiseiji1957.57_23

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The Cuban Revolution had progressed from the democratic phase to the socialist without interruption, soon after its triumph over the Batista dictatorship backed by the U. S. imperialism in 1959.
The problem on which we should like shed light in this paper is: Why could Fidel Castro lead such a revolution as a passionate non-communist revolutionary, in spite of the fact that the Popular Socialist Party (the Communist Party in Cuba) had been relatively strong in Latin America? We could find a principal reason for it in his basic thoughts and activities as their realization.
In the first place, he has always emphasized the role of the popular masses in the revolutionary process. Even in formulating the armed struggle as the principal way to the revolution, as in the Moncada attack and the guerrilla warfare in Sierra Maestra, he had striven to develop the revolutionary consciousness of the people. The idea that the people make history has been running as a constant current in his mind.
Secondly, he has persistently pursed for the formation of the united front against the Batista dictatorship and the U. S. imperialism. It is true that the 26th of July Movement led by him could not reach to the agreement of common struggle with the Popular Socialist Party until immediately after the victory of the revolution, but it was because of the profound anti-communism, the main obstacle to the united front, of the other bourgeois opposition party leaders, who had signed the “Pact of Caracas” with the Movement. Fidel has never had any animosity against the communism, having read and learnt the works of Marx, Engels and Lenin since his university years, though he had had some “prejudices” against the Communists. Hence, his constant presence in the revolutionary leadership.
Thirdly and finally, he has consistently looked for the democracy, not only in the political aspect, as did the bourgeois opposition political leaders, but also in the economic and social, that is, in the true sense. Thanks to his profound conception of democracy, he could naturally and spontaneously transform himself from the simple democrat into the assiduous socialist. And he could add some particular hues to the Cuban socialism, with the democratic emphasis.
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人種的三角関係の反復と転倒

―『ソンのモチーフ』におけるニコラス・ギジェンのチョテオの戦略について―

安保寛尚

ラテンアメリカ研究年報
2013年 33 巻 55-90
発行日: 2013年
公開日: 2022/05/18

DOI https://doi.org/10.51100/annualofajel.33.0_55

研究報告書・技術報告書フリー

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「文化」をめぐる戦略と操作の相克 : キューバ・サンテリーアの儀礼太鼓バタを中心として

工藤多香子

民族學研究
1998年 62 巻 4 号 494-516
発行日: 1998年
公開日: 2018/03/27

DOI https://doi.org/10.14890/minkennewseries.62.4_494

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民衆の復権を謳うキューバ革命政権は, 抑圧されてきた人民の表現として, アフリカ系カルトの儀礼音楽・舞踊に注目し, その舞台化に力を入れている。しかし, その舞台化は, アフリカ系カルトそのものを尊重するがゆえに実施されているのではない。政権は儀礼音楽・舞踊をカルトという従来のコンテクストから切り離し, 政権のイデオロギーにふさわしい「文化」として提示しようと試みているのである。このような脱コンテクスト化の戦略は, 革命政権によって始められたのではなく, すでに革命以前の芸術家や民族学者たちによっても試みられていた。しかし, 革命政権は, 舞台化と並行して, カルトそのものの衰退を意図した政策を実施することで, より徹底した脱コンテクスト化を展開している。キューバのアフリカ系カルトの一つであるサンテリーアの信者たちは, このような脱コンテクスト化戦略の対象となってきた。しかし, 彼らは政権の戦略になされるがままでいるのではない。信者たちは, 政権が「文化」として提示する要素をサンテリーアの実践に取り入れ, 柔軟に状況に応じているばかりか, サンテリーアを説明する際にあえて「文化」という言葉を用いることで, 自分たちが実践しているのは政権が称揚する「文化」であることを印象づけている。彼らはこのように「文化」を操作することによって, キューバ社会の中に自らを位置付けながら, 信仰を継続しているのである。本稿は, サンテリーアの儀礼太鼓バタを具体的分析の対象とすることで, 「文化」をめぐる革命政権とサンテリーア信者たちとの相克を浮かび上がらせる。
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