The purpose of this article is to show the connection that existed between state organization and merchant society and describe the commercial strategy of elite merchants in early modern France, by focusing on the Chamber of Commerce of Guyenne, Bordeaux. The C of C was formed by a decision of the State Council in 1705. The French government at the end of the reign of Louis XIV allowed bourgeois merchants to participate in state political institutions, where they could engage in discussions concerning national and regional economic policy. According to one American historian, D. K. Smith, the activity of the C of C was an example of the new political culture of the time. The city of Bordeaux during this period was experiencing initial development through the colonial trade; and the city's merchants would at times need to negotiate with the government in order to achieve commercial success in their enterprises. This article investigates the questions of how the merchants of Bordeaux participated in the C of C and what function the institution performed within the city's merchant society. To begin with, the elite merchants of Bordeaux, who had been old members of the Tribunal of Commerce, were supportive of the C of C and decided to govern it by themselves until 1704. Then from 1705 on, they undertook to elect the directors of the Chamber from among their own and consequently monopolized the directorship throughout the eighteenth century. Although the C of C's directors were limited to the bourgeois merchants who were natives of Bordeaux, they maintained their links with both protestant and foreign merchants. Within this process, the elite merchants of Bordeaux took control of the C of C, as the, institution took root within the city's merchant society. Secondly, the Chamber of Commerce was the space not only where merchants could formulate and juxtapose their opinions against state policy, but also where merchants could acquire advice regarding their own problems. It is true that the directors were linked in a political network with the Council of Commerce of Paris, which they provided with commercial information; but when merchants in Bordeaux made inquiries about commercial affairs to the Chamber, the directors did discuss them and offered their expert opinions. Therefore, the Chamber was also an institution for promoting the activities of the bourse, forcing the researcher to reconsider this institution in the context of the long-term history of the bourse in the Western world. Finally, the Chamber of Commerce was the centre of commercial strategy in Bordeaux. Under state policy formulated to deal with the War of the Spanish Succession, the directors allowed the Dutch and ships of neutral countries entry into the port to purchase wine, while they, monopolized the colonial trade. As for regional commerce, the directors concentrated their attention to the route between Bordeaux and Agde of Languedoc, in addition to transportation along the Garonne and Dordogne Rivers. While considering the problems and the demands of the city's merchants, there is no doubt that the Chamber governed the merchant society of Bordeaux.

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Church of L'Escale-Dieu abbey is recognised to be one of the oldest and the most representative cistercian churches. In a synthetic perspective based upon the previous literatures concerning the proportion of mediaeval architecture, the historical metrology and the mediaeval number symbolism, the author attempted to establish a structure of measurement and proportion of cistercian church plan of L'Escale-Dieu from the author's own measurement on the site. After 3 feet of a local historical unit of measurment was taken from the width of the nave pier, a proportion system by KoBman's GroBe MaBeinheit could be verified having a logical relationship with a definite structural element. And a structure of the proportion generated from the total use of the equilateral triangles as the elementary figure could be also testified, which kept a certain logical consistency with the system of the GroBe MaBeinheit. An attempt was made to bring together presumed theoretical and practical meanings of the equilateral triangle and number symbolism of this church plan.

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Le voyage chez Francois Mauriac est pent-etre une des problematiques jusqu'ici les plus negligees. Certes, dans son second recueil de poemes, L'Adieu a l'adolescence, il ecrivait deja: <<Tous departs sont vains: me voici revenu>> et cette attitude restera constante pendant toute sa vie. Mais elle nous semble une prise de position active par Mauriac sedentaire vis-a-vis de son temps ou le deplacement etait un phenomene indeniablement moderne. L'analyse de la litterature de Mauriac sous cet angle nous permet par exemple de penser a Therese qui se rappelle avec froideur son mari Bernard s'interessant aux numeros <<des tableaux qui ne correspondaient pas a ceux du Baedeker>> dans un musee en Italie. En outre, dans son essai Bordeaux ou l'adolescence, l'auteur parle des <<quartiers morts>> qui sont <<connus de moi seul>> ou <<le fantome pitoyable>> de <<ma petite enfance>> reste vivant. Il essaye ainsi de depeindre une ville bordelaise infiniment personnelle, contrairement aux attentes des lecteurs qui n'en possedent qu'une image stereotypee. Ces exemples montrent que Mauriac critique le cycle de la reproduction du voyage: le voyage donne naissance a la publication de recits ou des guides touristiques, qui provoquent chez les lecteurs une affection pour un lieu inconnu et qui les invitent ensuite a voyager. Mais Mauriac avance que <<l'essentiel est de se renouveler en profondeur>> (Le Romancier et ses personnages), phrase qui semble reposer sur <<Le Voyage>> baudelairien: <<Au fond de l'Inconnu pour trouver du nouveau>>. Ainsi, je presenterai ici le theme du voyage dans les oeuvres de Mauriac. Les departs qui y ont ete decrits des familles bourgeoises d'Aquitaine, semblent a premiere vue constituer l'aspect dynamique de sa litterature. Mais peu a peu, il s'avere qu'en realite, cela ne fait que fournir un pretexte lui permettant de revenir dans son pays. Ce retour menera les personnages a decouvrir le vrai sens de la Nature d'Aquitaine. En se liberant du deplacement spatial, les personnages, comme nous les lecteurs, peuvent s'acquerir une indication pour decouvrir le Temps eternel qui s'ecoule dans la couche enfouie de notre interieur profond.

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The marechaussee was a rural police force which was led by a prevot des marechaux. It served both as a royal army keeping order particulary in the countryside and on highways, and as a royal court judging without appeal such cas prevotaux as a vagabondage, mendicacy, and highway robbery. The marechaussee was not functioning sufficiently prior to the reform of 1720, due mainly to a lack of uniformity both in its organisation and chain of command. In 1720, Claude Le Blanc, secretary of state for war, tried to reorganize the marechaussee after abolishing almost its entire old organisation. In a period when governmental institutions and systems were venal, a method to create a new organisation after a destruction of an old one, which was never done by the royal government before, made the reform possible. The reform was, first of all, a total restructuring of the marechaussee wiht the aim to give uniformity to its organisation. At the same time, it contained important aspects, such as making the generalite (intendance : intendant's district) correspond to a marechaussee's district, unifying the chain of command under the secretary of state for war, intendants and prevots, positioning brigades all over the realm, and introducing the commission sytem more widely. The reform of the marechaussee established a national police network though its force was insufficient, which was deployed closely in the monarchy, put under the direct control of the state and had unified organisation, districts, and chain of command. The reform gave a police force to intendants and created a group of lower officials dependant directly on the state by introducing the commission system. This has a close connection with two basic systems of monarchic government : a centralization policy through intendants and a bureaucracy based on venality. The reform of the marechaussee was carried out after half a century after the judicial reform in the early years of Louis XIV, during a regency when the royal government was groping for a new governmental system. There we can find points which indicate to total reform of governmental organisation under the absolute monarchy, not just a simple reform of the police force.

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When we compare, as usual, the French Revolution with the Restoration of 1868 (in Japan) concerning the question of the quesetion of the land, it has been thought that the former makes a thorought solution of it, on the contrary the latter is incomplete. By studing synthetically the premise of the question of the land in France and the process of its development, I confirm that its solution of Fronce is also incomplete. Especially by showing the fact and inevitability with the remains of aristocratic land-ownership in France and estimatng the hight indemnities for the emigres, I conclude that the settoement of a Samurai caste with indemnities and the remains of properties of peers in Japan after Meiji have no graund to maintain to be the "absolute" quality in the social system. The French Revolution is regarded in the same light with the Restration of 1868 in Japan with respect to the co-existence of the great land-owners and small ones, the remains of land-owners and tenants, and the remains of the great properties of peers. So on the ground of the question of the land, I cannot affirm for the Frech Revolution to be the typical bourgeois revolution and the Restoration in Japan to be the establishment of absolutism.

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A l'aide de l'analyse de divers rites, nous voudrions eclairer les caracteristiques de deux eglises majeures dans le Bordeaux medieval la cathedrale Saint-Andre et l'eglise du patron de la ville: Saint-Seurin. Saint-Seurin fut fonde dans l'Antiquite tardive comme chapelle attenante au cimetiere chretien extra muros. A partir du XII^e siecle, grace a ses reliques, cette eglise devint l'un des grands sanctuaires sur la route de Saint-Jacques-de-Compostelle. Saint-Andre, construit intra muros, obtint le titre de cathedrale au IX^e siecle mais ne conservait pas de reliques qui suscitent la veneration du peuple. Ainsi, tandis que l'eglise Saint-Seurin etait caracterisee par les pouvoirs du saint, l'autorite de Saint-Andre etait en grande partie fondee sur son titre, qui etait respectable sur le plan hierarchique. Et ce contraste entre les deux sanctuaires est lie, comme nous le verrons plus loin, a celui de leur emplacement. Non seulement pour les pelerins proprement dits mais aussi pour les habitants de la ville, aller a Saint-Seurin extra muros etait un petit "pelerinage" au cours duquel on quittait son milieu ordinaire pour un autre, domine par le saint investi de la justice de Dieu. C'est pourquoi, les Bordelais y priaient, y emmenaient des malades et y pretaient le serment d'innocence. Cependant, a l'inverse de ces rites populaires, les entrees solennelles et serments (pour la prise de fonction ou le respect des privileges de la ville) des dignitaires avaient souvent lieu a Saint-Andre. Lors de la ceremonie de prise de fonction des jurats, representants des habitants, ceux-ci pretaient le serment dans les deux eglises; a l'entree du nouvel archeveque, le prelat, meme s'il passait d'abord une nuit a Saint-Seurin, berceau du christianisme de la ville, s'iristallait finalement a la cathedrale bien entendu; quant aux seigneurs laiques, bien que les comtes de la region avant le XII^e siecle aient fait leur "sacre" dans le sanctuaire de leur patron, presque tous les rois et princes qui vinrent a Bordeaux entre le XIII^e et le XVI^e siecle preterent le serment a Saint-Andre. Ce qui est important dans ces serments a la cathedrale, ce n'est pas l'aspect de l' "ordalie" devant Dieu que l'on trouve dans les rites a Saint-Seurin, mais la publicite du voeu "devant le peuple". En meme temps, ces ceremonies publiques prirent de plus en plus l'aspect de "fete" de la ville. Dans la perspective du "petit pelerinage au sanctuaire extra muros", la ville est percue comme une Babylone que l'on doit abandonner; au contraire, quand on reconnait l'autorite du sanctuaire intra muros, la ville est une Jerusalem ou l'on attend la venue du Messie. Ces attitudes, tout en s'opposant l'une a l'autre, coexisterent pendant tout le Moyen Age.

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近年、イギリスの考古学者を中心に、「ケルト」の枠組みに対して疑念が提出され、議論を巻き起こしている。それは、簡単に要約すれば、所謂「島のケルト」というものは、一八世紀以降に捏造されたものである、という論である。近世の「ケルト」観念は、ギリシア・ローマの古典を基に形成されてきたが、「ケルト」の枠組みに関する従来の通説では、一六世紀の人文主義者ジョージ・ブキャナンや一七世紀後半の学者エドワード・スィドなどの影響が重視され、「ケルト」の表象と古典学との関係は等閑視されてきた。そこで本稿では、古典学の及ぼした影響を手がかりとして、ブキャナンからスィドに至る、「ケルト」観念の形成過程を考察する。検討の結果、「島のケルト」に類する考えは、ブキャナン以前にも存在していたことなど、通説には様々な問題点が含まれていることが明らかとなった。本稿が「ケルト」の枠組みを再考するための契機になればよいと思う。

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