THE OBJECTIVE OF THIS STUDY IS TO CLARIFY THE ROLE OF "ORIGINATORS" IN THE COMMUNITY MORTGAGE PROGRAM IN THE PHILIPPINES. "ORIGINATORS" ARE GOOD EXAMPLES OF AN INTERMEDIATE SECTOR FOR URBAN IMPROVEMENT, AND IT IS QUITE MEANINGFUL TO STUDY THEIR ROLES AND THE CONDITIONS THEY NEED FOR BETTER ACTIVITY. IT WAS SHOWN THAT NGO-ORIGINATORS PLAY IMPORTANT ROLES IN COMPREHENSIVE SLUM IMPROVEMENTS. IT WAS ALSO CLARIFIED THAT THE GOVERNMENT SHOULD PREPARE BETTER ENVIRONMENT FOR NGOS, AND DEVELOP PROCESS FOR UPGRADING THE SECTORAL PLAN, AND PROVIDE EASIER ACCESS TO PUBLIC FINANCING FOR COMMUNITY ASSOCIATIONS.

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　住環境整備では，物理的環境を改善するばかりでなく，精神的環境や社会的環境を含めて検討されることで，住民にとって快適を居住環境が形成されるものと考える。本研究では，住民が住環境整備を行なうために，非営利的な支援を行なう専門家の支援のありかたを考察する。フィリピンにおけるコミュニティ抵当事業では，コミュニティを単位とした自主的な改善が促され，オリジネーターと呼ばれる役割を果たす専門家組織を制度上に位置づけたことで，改善が促進された。　コミュニティ抵当事業は，不法占拠コミュニティに対して，コミュニティが組織化され，将来の改善計画が示された場合に，土地を購入すること等を目的に低利の融資を行なうものである。この融資を経て，各世帯は住宅の改善を漸次行ない，また地区を単位としたインフラの整備も，区画・道路の整備，上水の整備，コミュニティホールの建設といったことが行なわれた。これらの整備において，オリジネーターにあたるNGOでは，直接整備を誘導したのではなく，住環境整備において住民組織が自主的に整備計画を立て，また資金を調達するといったことができるよう，住民同士の対話の促進を支援するといった間接的な支援を行なっていたことが確認された。住民主体の住環境整備実現のためには，専門的な支援をどのように受けるのかを住民自身が選択できるよう，カをつけられるようにすることが重要である。また日本との比較を行ない，今後日本においても，非営利的に住民の住環境整備活動を支援することのできる事業制度の体制が整えられる必要があること等を指摘した。　結論として，住民の活動を各専門分野の専門家として支援する組織とは別に，オリジネート組織と呼べるような，住民が主体的に活動を継続するための，組織化を含めた間接的な住環境整備支援を行なう組織が必要であることを示した。

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    Homeless people have increased in mega cities of developing countries like the Philippines. This article aims to analyze homelessness in Metro Manila. The main focus is devoted to three issues on homelessness: where homeless people come from, where they live in Metro Manila and why they live there.

    First, this article analyzes the social processes which bring the needy to the streets using the push-pull hypothesis. It concludes that the squatter area is the biggest source of homeless people. Second, it analyzes the spatial distribution of homeless people. Management and control of public space by the government is strengthened, public space is privatized. As a result, squatter areas in public space are evicted from the inner-city and moved to the suburbs. Without a home many squatters are left behind in the inner-city and pushed to the streets. Thus squatter area is decentralized and homeless people are centralized. Third, it analyzes the politics behind the occupancy of public space vis-a-vis the government and homeless people. In the developing countries, public space has been seen as the pseudo-public space which can be occupied conventionally by the needy. However, control of public space is strengthened, demolition of squatter area is implemented, and many people are pushed to the streets. This article analyzes the politics behind the use of public space in relation to the government, the squatter, the vendor and the homeless people. It concludes that homeless people are the most vulnerable in both the occupancy and the elimination of public space. The pseudo-public space is disappearing and hence homeless people are converging with their counterpart in European countries.

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Many political studies of the Philippines share the assumption that the poor have been subordinated by the order of local elites and have functioned as a hotbed of the oligarchic democracy, and that if civic organizations are to help the poor they must be independent of local elites. However, one problem with this kind of assumption is that it ignores how the agencies of the poor negotiate with the dominant order of the oligarchy. I will present a framework showing how the various agencies of the poor struggle over social order, and demonstrating how the local power orders of local elites, the state control projects of state leaders and the social reform projects of civic organizations compete against each other.
To make this clear, this paper also focuses on the struggles between the various forces over how street vending and city order in metropolitan Manila should be organized. One state leader tried to get rid of street vendors from the city (state control project) because he regarded the ubiquitousness of street vendors as a symptom of a weak state that cannot enforce law and order.Mayors have tried to maintain autonomous order in their bailiwicks (local power orders), and a civic organization has tried to legalize the interests of street vendors by lobbying the state (social reform project). Street vendors’ organizations have desperately defended street vending.
Through this case study, I argue the following: first, in contrast to the dominant assumption of passivity of the poor, street vendors have influenced and constructed part of the contested social order by negotiating, resisting and cooperating with the practices of the state leader, local elites and civic organizations to create their own favorable order. The street vendors’ strategy of organizational bribing to avoid state control means that they have constructed an informal order vis-à-vis state control. Second, I also argue that there are dilemmas in the various expressions of agency available to street vendors. In particular, their practices to construct an informal order to avoid state control have prevented the social reform project which tried to legalize street vending because the informal order created stakeholders among the state officials. Finally, these ambivalent characteristics of the agency of street vendors indicate the difficulties that lie in constructing a democratic order in which the poor can uphold their interests and identities without being harmed by authoritarian orders of strong local elites and state leaders.

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