詳細検索結果
以下の条件での結果を表示する: 検索条件を変更
クエリ検索: "ゴレスターン条約"
6件中 1-6の結果を表示しています
  • ソ連邦における研究史上の問題点
    八尾師 誠
    オリエント
    1978年 21 巻 1 号 145-157
    発行日: 1978/09/30
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 国際政治のなかの中東
    奥田 泰広
    国際政治
    2005年 2005 巻 141 号 101-114,L13
    発行日: 2005/05/29
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    Sir Robert Morier (1826-93) was a lifelong rival of Bismarck, firstly as a friend of Crown Prince Frederick and Princess Victoria in the German court, secondly as an ambassador at St. Petersburg. In his earlyy career, he was a keen Cobdenist who believes in Free Trade as the key to international peace and an advocate of German liberals in the course of German Unification. But the advent of Bismarck becoming chancellor makes him to recognize its danger to European peace because “Bismarck's Peace” by alliance policy consisted of mutual suspicion among great powers. “The dangerous element in Europe is not Germany but Bismarck. He is getting just as dangerous as Napoleon I was after Austerlitz.”
    In the Eastern Crisis in the 1870s, he analyzed that an Anglo-Russian understanding would reduce Bismarck to produce influence within Europe. Therefore, he made a proposal of a joint English and Russian occupation of the Ottoman Empire. But the British government chose to threaten Russia and achieved the diplomatic triumph at the Berlin Congress in 1878. But, at that time, “the Eastern Question” and “the Great Game” were beginning to be closely linked. Russia wanted to compensate for their blunder in Turkey by expanding in Central Asia, at Pendjeh in 1885. The rumor was spread that Britain and Russia were on the brink of war.
    Although war was avoided, the crisis continued. On November 1885, Morier arrived at St. Petersburg as an Ambassador when the Russo-Afghan boundary needed to be precisely demarcated. Finally, he played an important role in the last phase of the boundary negotiations and the agreement was signed in July 1887. His belief in the necessity of an Anglo-Russian under-standing melted antagonism between two states and marked the beginning of the end of a “Great Game.”
    This paper examines analytically Morier's suggestions for British foreign policy from the view of an interconnection of two systems: “the Eastern Question, ” the core of European balance of power, and “the Great Game, ” the global rivalry between Britain and Russia.
  • 清水 学
    中東レビュー
    2019年 6 巻 99-119
    発行日: 2019年
    公開日: 2019/05/30
    ジャーナル フリー HTML

    Azerbaijan, a land locked country in South Caucasia, gained independence in 1991 after the break-up of the USSR. It is surrounded by Russia, Iran, Armenia, Georgia, and Turkey and is compelled to depend on a balancing act in its diplomacy to protect its sovereignty and survive. In April 2018, it reiterated its intention to host the 2019 Summit of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) in Baku and take on the position of chairmanship of NAM for a 3-year term. It is to be noted that Azerbaijan took this decision at a time of heightened tensions in the region when the US unilaterally withdrew from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, popularly known as the Iran nuclear deal. Azerbaijan has a border with northwestern Iran and has had a complicated relationship with it based on historical, ethnic, and religious ties. At the same time, Azerbaijan is the major supplier of oil to Israel, which is increasingly antagonistic to Iran. For the last decade, Israel and Iran have tried to gain Azerbaijan’s favor by offering arms or adjusting their diplomatic stance to take into account the geopolitical importance of Azerbaijan. Iran switched from its tacit support to Armenia on the Nagorno Karabakh conflict to a more sympathetic understanding of Azerbaijan’s position.

    The Nagorno Karabakh issue has been the focal point of security and sovereignty for Azerbaijan, which claims that Nagorno Karabakh and its neighboring areas have been occupied illegally by Armenia. Since the latter half of 2018, Israel has raised the level of military cooperation with Azerbaijan by supplying more advanced arms, such as drones, while Iran strengthened its military links with Azerbaijan by enhancing its military contacts and cooperation. For Azerbaijan, the simultaneous deepening of military cooperation with the two influential and mutually antagonistic regional powers—Israel and Iran—is not inconsistent because it seeks to upgrade its own military capacity.

    The NAM has not been given serious attention in the world politics since the end of the cold war. At the same time, the objective reality that the number of member states has increased cannot be denied. The purpose and definition of the NAM is still vague and allows member states to arrive at different versions of its objectives. The mediating capacity of the NAM to solve conflicts among the member states is, at best, marginal. However, the NAM is a forum where the participants—most of whom experienced colonial rule—can express strong or mild dissatisfaction with the present world regime, dominated by the West. In this sense, the role of NAM could be still flexible and effective under certain conditions in the fluid world political system. Azerbaijan utilizes the NAM to achieve a balance in its diplomatic relations in the present turbulent situation and strengthen its political position on the Nagorno Karabakh issue.

  • 塩野﨑 信也
    内陸アジア史研究
    2016年 31 巻 49-72
    発行日: 2016/03/31
    公開日: 2017/05/26
    ジャーナル フリー

    This article discusses the complex self-consciousness of Mirza Fatali Akhundzadeh (1812-1878). He is esteemed as one of founders of the Azerbaijani identity in the presentday Republic of Azerbaijan, but he is also regarded as one of the first 'Iran nationalists' in the context of the history of Iran.

    It is true that he thought of Iran as his homeland and was proud to be an Iranian, but he also noticed non-Iranian elements in himself. For instance, he was not a native Persian speaker—he grew up speaking Turkic; he was an inhabitant of the Caucasus as well as a subject of the Russian Empire. Thus, he defined Iranians as descendants of the Ancient Persian Empires and insisted that his distant ancestors were connected to them.

    He did not always recognize himself as Iranian. He used different group names depending on each situation. For example, when he spoke to Turkish people in the Ottoman Empire to enlighten them, he used 'Mellat-e Eslām (Muslims)' as a group name to communicate that he was one of them. He also called himself a 'Tatar' when he wrote letters to Russian officials. 'Tatar' was a Russian term applied to Turkic-speaking people in the Empire.

  • 塩谷 昌史
    歴史と経済
    2012年 54 巻 2 号 32-47
    発行日: 2012/01/30
    公開日: 2017/08/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    In this article, I focus on the export of Russian cotton textiles and examine the distribution of textiles between Russia and Asia in the first half of the 19th century. After 18th century, Russia promoted trade with the Asian region. Persia, Central Asia and China were Russia's main trade partners. But, in practice, it was not Russian but local Asian merchants that promoted the trade between Russia and Asia. Armenian merchants mediated Russian trade with Persia, Bukharan merchants with Central Asia, and Shanxi merchants with China. It was no accident that these merchants mediated the trade between Russia and Asia. Armenian merchants controlled the Persian, Bukharan merchants the Central Asian, and Shanxi merchants the Chinese commercial sphere. These Asian merchants assumed responsibilities for the distribution of commodities and the financial system. Russia utilized the commercial networks of neighboring regions in carrying out trade with Asia. Asian merchants used mules and camels as means of transportation and organized caravans in the cycle of a year. They made use of the natural environment in Eurasia in promoting trade between Russia and Asia. The 19th century was the period during which Russian society moved away from the natural environment. In other words, it was a period of transition of power sources from natural energy and animal power to fossil fuels. If we divide the 19th century in Russia into two parts, in the first half of 19th century, steam engines were introduced in production, power sources transited from natural energy and animal power to fossil fuels, and mass production of cotton textiles became possible. In the second half of the 19th century, steam engines were introduced in the field of distribution (railroads and shipping), and again power sources transited from natural energy and animal power to fossil fuels, and mass and high speed transportation became possible. It is not difficult to imagine that this transformation radically changed Russian trade with Asia and had a great impact on Asian merchants' commercial networks. I will examine the transformation in distribution in the second half of 19th century in a later article.
  • 塩野崎 信也
    オリエント
    2015年 57 巻 2 号 41-62
    発行日: 2015/03/31
    公開日: 2018/04/01
    ジャーナル フリー
     It is common knowledge that Muslims living in the south-eastern part of Caucasus, now the Republic of Azerbaijan, were referred to as 'Tatars' without a clear distinction from other Turkic groups under the rule of the Russian Empire. These Muslims were also called 'Turkish people' (Turks) or Caucasian Muslims. In the latter part of the 19th century and during the early 20th century, a feeling of nationalism emerged among them and they began calling themselves 'Azerbaijanis'. However, no study clearly explains the reason they claim to be Azerbaijanis.
     The author scrutinised manuscripts, printed books, journals and newspapers written in several languages and discovered that 'Azerbaijan', the name of the nation, is not directly derived from the name of a geographical location, but from the name of a language. Around 1840, Kazem-bek, a professor at Kazan University, named the language spoken by Muslims in the South Caucasus as 'Azerbaijani Turkish'. Muslim intellectuals who lived in Tiflis, the centre of the South Caucasus in the 19th century, adopted the language name in the 1880s, following which they considered 'people who speak Azerbaijani Turkish' as a single nation called 'Azerbaijani'. The name of this nation initially appeared in the 115th issue of the literary journal Keshkul (Dervish Bowl), published in Tiflis on 16 November, 1890.
     Two major reasons for why Muslim intellectuals in Tiflis called themselves Azerbaijanis instead of Tatars, Turkish people and Caucasian Muslims are as follows : First, they wanted to avoid a name based on a religious belief, such as 'Muslim', because they thought that a nation must not be defined by its religion, but by its culture, customs and language. Second, they considered their culture, customs and language to be different from those of the Tatars in the Volga region and Crimean Peninsula, or Turkish people in the Ottoman Empire.
feedback
Top